A skewed tax system?

No tax - no service
CTALK
By Cito Beltran
(The Philippine Star)
Updated March 10, 2010 12:00 AM

(A)llow me to share a story that was told to former Senator Tito Sotto, which he in turn shared:

Sometime back, a fire struck a bank in the town of Talisay on the island of Negros. People were frantic and did everything to put out the fire. Unfortunately, the fire took its toll and destroyed the bank.

Long after the fire burned out, the local fire truck arrived. It seems that the truck had bogged down because it was old and in need of serious repairs which the town had very little budget for.

A bank official complained about the situation and angrily suggested that the town should do something about buying better equipment.

The town Mayor reportedly heard the angry statements and shot back: “Why don’t you go to Makati and tell them to buy us a new fire truck since your company pays all its taxes to the City of Makati and not the town of Talisay”.

I can’t say how accurate the story goes but the fact is, many businesses all over the Philippines make money in many different provinces but pay their taxes in Metro Manila, particularly in the City of Makati. This is what Senator Tito Sotto has called “The modern-day Imperialism of Metro Manila”.

They make the money elsewhere but haul it all to Metro Manila.

Many of the businesses that pay in Metro Manila also happen to be the “big businesses” that have a lot of investments in Metro Manila, so it is to their interest that the tax money goes where their major developments or investments are, and not in the provinces. Companies such as Ayala, SM, Robinsons, hotel chains, even the franchise giants are all over the country but pay taxes in Metro Manila.

With all due respect to Mayor Jejomar Binay, I can now better appreciate how the City of Makati can afford to give free education, free hospitalization, free movie passes, and other benefits to its two million plus residents. They have all the tax money that should otherwise be paid by corporations to the local governments where they do business.

Makati is not alone in this matter since, cities such as San Juan, Mandaluyong, Pasay and now Taguig have a fair share of corporations that have their office addresses in these cities but make money in Palawan, Boracay, Mindoro, Marinduque, Bicol, Baguio, Ilocos etc.

I learned about this some 20 years ago when I built Club Paradise Resort in Coron, Palawan. After interacting with local officials, I learned that even if they wanted to improve the local airport toilet, the roads and construct a much needed foot bridge for tourists, the town Mayor and the local barangay could not do anything since they had no share in any of the tax revenues generated by the resort we built and operate in their town.

When the resort chef collapsed on the job, we took him to the local hospital, where we ended up bringing a work crew and volunteering to put nylon screens on the entire hospital just to minimize the potential of malaria mosquitoes spreading the disease among patients.

As I compared notes with former Senator Tito Sotto, we came to the conclusion that the law needs to be changed. Only by “giving unto Caesar what is Caesar’s” can we expect real development outside Metro Manila.

Why should students or patients have to go to Metro Manila, or Baguio or Cebu just to get good quality education or medical attention? Why should barangays or local government units have to spend for public services such as police, firemen, barangay tanods, health workers to service business establishments that do not “pay” or directly share the cost of government services?

As far away as Palawan is from Cagayan Valley, the fact is these provinces, towns and cities all have to deal with the after sales nightmare of pollution and health impact. Batteries, plastic coffee cups, PE water bottles, cigarette butts, resort wastes, socially transmitted diseases, peace and order, traffic.

But all the tax money goes into beautifying Ayala Avenue and The Fort. The tax money goes to building sport coliseums and hospitals in San Juan or Mandaluyong. It pays for brand spanking new fire trucks in Manila and Quezon City. And while a little boy dies halfway between Mindoro and Batangas City in the vain hope of getting medical attention, people in Metro Manila are all talking about the free hospitalization because of the ad: “dahil ganito kami sa Makati”.

This is not a condemnation of the City of Makati or “big business”. It is a condemnation of how our tax laws have cheated Filipinos outside Metro Manila.

Fatwa on Islamic extremism

ALJAZEERA.NET
UPDATED ON:
Tuesday, March 02, 2010
21:42 Mecca time, 18:42 GMT

Cleric issues anti-terror fatwa

A leading Islamic scholar has issued a fatwa in Britain condemning "terrorists" as the enemies of Islam, in a bid to deter young Muslims from extremism.

Muhammad Tahir ul-Qadri, head of the Minhaj ul-Quran religious and educational organisation, said suicide bombers were destined for hell as he released his 600-page edict in London on Tuesday.

"They can't claim that their suicide bombings are martyrdom operations and that they become the heroes of the Muslim Umma [the wider Muslim community], no, they become heroes of hellfire, and they are leading towards hellfire," he said.

"There is no place for any martyrdom and their act is never, ever to be considered Jihad," he said.

'No place in Islam'

At a news conference, ul-Qadri said Islam was a religion of peace that promotes beauty, "betterment", goodness and "negates all form of mischief and strife".

"Terrorism is terrorism, violence is violence and it has no place in Islamic teaching and no justification can be provided for it, or any kind of excuses or ifs or buts," he said.

A number of edicts condemning extremism have been made by Islamic groups since the September 11 attacks on the United States, but ul-Qadri insists his is the most wide-reaching.

"This is the first, most comprehensive fatwa on the subject of terrorism ever written," he told the Reuters news agency.

"I have tried to leave not a single stone unturned on this particular subject and I have tried to address every single question relevant to this subject."

Pakistan-born ul-Qadri, 59, has written about 350 books on Islam, and is a scholar of Sufism, a Muslim branch that focuses on peace, tolerance, and moderation.

The Quilliam Foundation, a UK counter-extremism think-tank, said the fatwa was "arguably the most comprehensive" theological refutation of Islamic extremism.

Tim Winter, a lecturer in Islamic studies at Cambridge University, said while ul-Qadri's step of declaring "miscreants as unbelievers" was unusual, it was unlikely extremists would take notice of his edict.

"Those who are already hardliners will pay no attention at all. But 'swing voters' - poorly educated and angry Muslims, who respect mainstream scholars, will probably take note," he told Reuters.

Ul-Qadri said he felt compelled to issue the edict because of concerns about the radicalisation of British Muslims at university campuses and because there had been a lack of condemnation of extremism by Muslim clerics and scholars.

The Minhaj-ul-Quran movement, founded in Pakistan in 1980, works around the globe to promote peace and interfaith dialogue.

Tribute to the AFP

In commemoration of the 24th anniversary of the 1986 EDSA Revolution, this blogger pays tribute to the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), who time and again exemplified patriotism in protecting the people and the state, against communist rebels, separatist rebels and religious extremists.

Tribute is given to the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) for their audacity in challenging the authoritarian government of then President Ferdinand Marcos.

Tribute is given to the Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force (PCSAF), and their allied forces such as the defecting Philippine Air Force (PAF) Strike Wing, who rose to the occasion when the time came to make a stand.

Finally, tribute is given to the government forces such as the Philippine Marine units, who in conscience remained loyal to the chain of command, but nonetheless struggled to keep the opposing human barricade of unarmed civilians safe at all times.

The article below narrates the story behind the PCSAF. pnp.gov.ph

THE BIRTH OF THE PC SPECIAL ACTION FORCE

Onward the years, Ramos was a 46-year old Army Brigadier General on the eve of his takeover as Chief of the Philippine Constabulary (PC) in concurrent capacity as Director-General of the Integrated National Police (INP). A position which he held for fourteen years. Later on, during his guard as AFP Vice-Chief of Staff in concurrent capacity as Chief, PC/DG, INP , as always, he unleashed his potentiality as a well-seasoned warrior gained through the years of field experiences obtained in Korea, Vietnam and a greater degree, as a Commanding Officer of the Army’s Special Forces against a calculating home front enemies that tries to subvert the nation’s politico-socio-eco stability, namely: the CPP/NDF and its military arm – the dreaded New People Army; the secessionist Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led by a former ideologue UP professor, Nur Misuari, and the rising tide of criminality and lawlessness. Added to this grim everyday struggle that confronted the nation and unaware to many, was a more pressing problem within the AFP/INP establishment that should had been addressed immediately and in a drastic manner by the Marcos Administration but in doing so, it was taken lightly and complacently and in the end, paid a price worth more than the entire Marcos Administration itself turned EDSA Revolution - the historic internal bickering between General Fidel Ramos and General Fabian Ver. A controversy that brought fruition to the Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force whose counterpart is the AFP Special Forces.

What were the specific circumstances that gave birth to the then PC SAF? “An eye for an eye, a tooth by a tooth,” done in a classical cloak-and-dagger story, was the tall order during those pre-Edsa Revolution days as the Ramos-Ver controversy increasingly gripped the guardians of the nation’s security. The latter, in a “coup d’ grace” or final death blow, crippled General Ramos’ hold of the Philippine Constabulary by deactivating all the PC Brigades, the lone PC units then with a readily available combat capabilities, and converting them into territorial forces under the administrative and operational control of Ver’s organizational strategic masterpiece – the Regional Unified Commands (RUCs) whose personnel and equipage came from the different AFP branches gave raise to a composite unit. Under this trying circumstances, Ramos was virtually sitting in an half-emptied kingdom reduced of effective combat maneuver force giving Ver the edge to control the military and police establishment within his own whims and caprices. This emboldened Ramos, with the assistance of Colonel Renato De Villa’s supervision and leadership management skills, then the PC/INP Chief of Operations, providently contemplated to protect the PC/INP from further combat force reduction through an off-set method by spearheading the activation of a battalion-sized elite combat unit named as the “Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force” or acronym “PC SAF” on May 16, 1983, pursuant to HPC GO Nr 323, possessed with the following characteristics, namely: manned by qualified in-service PC personnel who are highly trained in unconventional warfare and can operate in any terrain both urban and rural, in all weather, in any war dimensions (air, land and sea); highly mobile and equipped with the best logistical materiel (firearms, communications, transportation and technology or the ability to “move, fire and communicate with precision”) available in the market.

When Marcos fell ill, Ramos and De Villa covertly and meticulously planned a contingency known as “Exercise Ligtas Isla” designed as a countermeasure in case General Ver and Imelda Marcos made an attempt to take the reins of power if Ferdinand Marcos died.

NPA - The biggest illegal armed group

EDITORIAL - The biggest illegal armed group
(The Philippine Star) Updated January 15, 2010 12:00 AM

From P20,000 to P500,000: those are the going rates this year, according to military officials, if candidates want freedom from harassment by communist rebels during the campaign period. The “permit-to-campaign fee” collected by the New People’s Army is not new; the rebels have extorted protection money from candidates in previous elections, as they have extorted “revolutionary taxes” from even micro entrepreneurs across the country.

While the rebels may not have the firepower of the Ampatuans, who built up an extensive private arsenal from state resources, the NPA has more members and is the largest illegal armed group in the country. And while the NPA has not committed an election-related atrocity on the scale of the Maguindanao massacre, the rebels’ extortion activities and intimidation of candidates also undermine elections and must be stopped.

Army officials reported recovering from a suspected rebel slain in Sorsogon a list of extortion victims. Candidates for vice mayor, the Army said, were asked to pay P20,000 each as permit-to-campaign fee; for councilor and board member, P30,000 each; for vice governor, P50,000; and for governor or a congressional seat, P500,000. A rebel spokesman denied specifying amounts and said they merely issued “access permits” to candidates.

A military solution will not end the insurgency and NPA fund-raising through extortion, but there are ways of discouraging the harassment of candidates. The election gun ban must be strictly enforced. Candidates must be given incentives to refuse payment and report to authorities NPA extortion attempts, including protection from retaliation.

A study conducted in the Bicol Region by the Commission on Human Rights found that during the 2007 midterm elections, communist rebels prevented people mostly in remote villages from voting. In Legazpi City, according to the CHR report, armed groups prevented at least 20,000 people from voting. With the renewed focus on dismantling private armed groups, the government must also intensify its campaign to prevent the NPA from undermining the forthcoming elections.

Martial Law in Maguindanao

http://abpquevedo.blogspot.com/
Saturday, December 12, 2009

After Martial Law in Maguindanao, What?

Deeply rooted in Maguindanao is a culture of dominant clan power. A false reading of the situation results in a truncated view of Maguindanao political history. This view sees the phenomenon as the product of one government period, the decade of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Arguably a greater share of the blame could be laid at the door of the present government. But the culture of dominant and changing local power has been with us in the once “empire province of Cotabato,” which included the present Maguindanao, since at least the 1950s. To my knowledge, no government from the 1950s to the present did anything serious to root this out. In the past 60 years, all governments and many politicians from all parties wanting to get votes have cultivated this culture and ignored the periodic violence that erupted. It was a case of mutual political exploitation and expediency. We ourselves, ordinary citizens, have kept quiet in the past 60 years and learned the art of accommodation.

But of course criticism of Martial Law in Maguindanao is really based on total distrust of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Survey after survey is paraded to say that this is the pulse of the people. The stand of small protesting “militant” groups is given disproportionate media exposure. Political oppositionists and personalities from “militant” organizations are interviewed again and again to give their expected negative views on actions of government. In a very real sense the extraordinary amount of media exposure that is given to the opposition in Manila provides a distorted view of the country as a whole...

Martial Law by its nature as a last resort should be of short duration. But precisely because of its brevity, the following will result: one clan will be significantly disarmed; the balance of political and armed power will shift to other clans; private armies will remain though possibly less visible and probably more sophisticated in behavior; the deep trauma resulting from the massacre will persist; rido is not going to be stopped; the legislative, justice, and executive--and electoral--mechanisms will still be in the hands of those related to or have debts of gratitude to various families; and if a member of the rival clan will somehow gain the top post of the province, do we in Maguindanao really believe that the provincial capitol will remain in Shariff Aguak? Even the peace process will be affected by the loyalties of local rebel commanders to their own clans. Hence, the fundamental dysfunctions in Maguindanao will remain after Martial Law.

What do I see as a possible solution? Even now sentiments are strong in Central and southern Mindanao that elections for local offices in Maguindanao should be deferred. Or at least the term of Martial Law should be extended till after the elections. The fundamental suggestion is for us to move forward from partisan political criticism to collective constructive thinking and effective action on this central issue of Maguindanao dysfunction. I respectfully address this to all concerned, particularly the Senate, House of Representatives, the judicial branch and the Arroyo administration, as well as to all of us Maguindanawons.

+Orlando B. Quevedo, O.M.I.
Archbishop of Cotabato
December 11, 2009

Private armies and the insurgency

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Islamic State in Mindanao?

Gratitude and ignorance CTALK
By Cito Beltran
(The Philippine Star)
Updated October 23, 2009 12:00 AM

(W)hen the IED (improvised explosive device) bombing happened, the Americans got blamed for getting killed while on the way to help construct a school building.

Because of our island mentality our politicians were not aware that in the same month there was a simultaneous number of IED related attacks globally. That one incident that killed 2 US soldiers and a Filipino Marine was just a tiny bead in a global string of attacks that happened in the same period.

The terrorists in Mindanao have a clear agenda that the Nationalists in Metro Manila take for granted because it’s not happening in their backyard. The terrorists are not waging a war against US troops or our AFP per se. The battle is between education and ignorance.

The terrorists don’t want Filipino education, they want Islamic education. Because of this, the battle between education and ignorance is actually a “religious war”. This is the simple reason why the terrorists target teachers, principals, priests, pastors and missionary workers.

About seven years ago, I received a tip that a Muslim youth group in UP Diliman had been infiltrated by a terrorist. That small tip yielded information that a Middle Eastern individual had built up a foundation and a network of contacts that would build up “Islamic schools” all over Mindanao.

The school however turned out to be a recruitment machinery for impoverished young men who were led to convert from Catholics to Muslims which according to the claims of the “Middle Eastern operative” reached as much as one million converts over the years.

The “plan” was to build up an “Islamic population” so the Philippines could not prevent the ultimate creation of an “Islamic state” that would complete the chain in the region.

That operative eventually graduated from recruitment to direct terrorist activities or funding such operations. He was tracked down in another continent where government troopers literally flattened the house with high caliber automatic gunfire.

That however will not stop the terrorists from kidnapping priests, it will not stop them from abducting women and children, nor will it stop them from taking people who are trying to help people regardless of race, religion, or sex.

The only thing that will stop terrorists is a determined force with a just cause. Right now, the only people who have consistently stopped that determined force and subverted that just cause are politicians and Metro Manila Nationalists with good intentions with an address in hell.

Unfortunately, the kidnappers, the terrorists, the victims, the soldiers of the AFP and even the US troops have lived, fought, bled, and have died in Mindanao.

Meanwhile the critics, the politicians and the so-called nationalists all live in comfort here in Metro Manila.