Sunday, December 13, 2009

Martial Law in Maguindanao

http://abpquevedo.blogspot.com/
Saturday, December 12, 2009

After Martial Law in Maguindanao, What?

Deeply rooted in Maguindanao is a culture of dominant clan power. A false reading of the situation results in a truncated view of Maguindanao political history. This view sees the phenomenon as the product of one government period, the decade of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Arguably a greater share of the blame could be laid at the door of the present government. But the culture of dominant and changing local power has been with us in the once “empire province of Cotabato,” which included the present Maguindanao, since at least the 1950s. To my knowledge, no government from the 1950s to the present did anything serious to root this out. In the past 60 years, all governments and many politicians from all parties wanting to get votes have cultivated this culture and ignored the periodic violence that erupted. It was a case of mutual political exploitation and expediency. We ourselves, ordinary citizens, have kept quiet in the past 60 years and learned the art of accommodation.

But of course criticism of Martial Law in Maguindanao is really based on total distrust of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Survey after survey is paraded to say that this is the pulse of the people. The stand of small protesting “militant” groups is given disproportionate media exposure. Political oppositionists and personalities from “militant” organizations are interviewed again and again to give their expected negative views on actions of government. In a very real sense the extraordinary amount of media exposure that is given to the opposition in Manila provides a distorted view of the country as a whole...

Martial Law by its nature as a last resort should be of short duration. But precisely because of its brevity, the following will result: one clan will be significantly disarmed; the balance of political and armed power will shift to other clans; private armies will remain though possibly less visible and probably more sophisticated in behavior; the deep trauma resulting from the massacre will persist; rido is not going to be stopped; the legislative, justice, and executive--and electoral--mechanisms will still be in the hands of those related to or have debts of gratitude to various families; and if a member of the rival clan will somehow gain the top post of the province, do we in Maguindanao really believe that the provincial capitol will remain in Shariff Aguak? Even the peace process will be affected by the loyalties of local rebel commanders to their own clans. Hence, the fundamental dysfunctions in Maguindanao will remain after Martial Law.

What do I see as a possible solution? Even now sentiments are strong in Central and southern Mindanao that elections for local offices in Maguindanao should be deferred. Or at least the term of Martial Law should be extended till after the elections. The fundamental suggestion is for us to move forward from partisan political criticism to collective constructive thinking and effective action on this central issue of Maguindanao dysfunction. I respectfully address this to all concerned, particularly the Senate, House of Representatives, the judicial branch and the Arroyo administration, as well as to all of us Maguindanawons.

+Orlando B. Quevedo, O.M.I.
Archbishop of Cotabato
December 11, 2009




Friday, November 27, 2009

Private armies and the insurgency

This summary is not available. Please click here to view the post.

Friday, October 23, 2009

Islamic State in Mindanao?

Gratitude and ignorance CTALK
By Cito Beltran
(The Philippine Star)
Updated October 23, 2009 12:00 AM

(W)hen the IED (improvised explosive device) bombing happened, the Americans got blamed for getting killed while on the way to help construct a school building.

Because of our island mentality our politicians were not aware that in the same month there was a simultaneous number of IED related attacks globally. That one incident that killed 2 US soldiers and a Filipino Marine was just a tiny bead in a global string of attacks that happened in the same period.

The terrorists in Mindanao have a clear agenda that the Nationalists in Metro Manila take for granted because it’s not happening in their backyard. The terrorists are not waging a war against US troops or our AFP per se. The battle is between education and ignorance.

The terrorists don’t want Filipino education, they want Islamic education. Because of this, the battle between education and ignorance is actually a “religious war”. This is the simple reason why the terrorists target teachers, principals, priests, pastors and missionary workers.

About seven years ago, I received a tip that a Muslim youth group in UP Diliman had been infiltrated by a terrorist. That small tip yielded information that a Middle Eastern individual had built up a foundation and a network of contacts that would build up “Islamic schools” all over Mindanao.

The school however turned out to be a recruitment machinery for impoverished young men who were led to convert from Catholics to Muslims which according to the claims of the “Middle Eastern operative” reached as much as one million converts over the years.

The “plan” was to build up an “Islamic population” so the Philippines could not prevent the ultimate creation of an “Islamic state” that would complete the chain in the region.

That operative eventually graduated from recruitment to direct terrorist activities or funding such operations. He was tracked down in another continent where government troopers literally flattened the house with high caliber automatic gunfire.

That however will not stop the terrorists from kidnapping priests, it will not stop them from abducting women and children, nor will it stop them from taking people who are trying to help people regardless of race, religion, or sex.

The only thing that will stop terrorists is a determined force with a just cause. Right now, the only people who have consistently stopped that determined force and subverted that just cause are politicians and Metro Manila Nationalists with good intentions with an address in hell.

Unfortunately, the kidnappers, the terrorists, the victims, the soldiers of the AFP and even the US troops have lived, fought, bled, and have died in Mindanao.

Meanwhile the critics, the politicians and the so-called nationalists all live in comfort here in Metro Manila.






Sunday, September 13, 2009

White Paper on the MILF Peace Talks

The paper entitled Comments on the GRP-MILF Peace Process opines that the MOA-AD is constitutional. Nonetheless, it strongly disagrees with its wisdom.

Part I seeks to analyze the rational, purpose, implications and constitutionality of the scrapped GRP-MILF Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD).

Part II identifies the fundamental flaws of the agreement and the underlying negotiation process, and recommends appropriate pre-emptive and corrective measures for any revival of the failed process.

Part III proposes bold alternative consensus points, guided by the standard of the common good of all the people concerned.

Among other reforms, the paper proposes or implies constitutional amendments for the: (1) establishment of regional governments based on culture and geography rather than religion; (2) grant of titles of royalty to the southern sultanates; and (3) liberalization of foreign investments.

Please see the following link: http://www.deszr.com/index.php?option=com_jotloader&section=files&task=download&cid=8_72624422e5f78977b04c6f7616306817&Itemid=61

The Semi-Federal Alternative

The article entitled The Semi-Federal Alternative presents the concept of a regional government system, that combines centralized law-making and decentralized law implementation.

Being a national government agency, the proposed regional government authority does not require a plebiscite for its creation.

In any case, it renders redundant the constitutional provisions directing the establishment of autonomous regions in Muslim Mindanao and the Cordilleras.

Please see the following link:

http://www.deszr.com/index.php?option=com_jotloader&section=files&task=download&cid=27_b46f7c2ba0d30d2a0c9ce2c36304bcca&Itemid=61




Passing Comments on "Religious Intolerance"

From: Demosthenes B. Donato <dbdonato@deszr.com>
To: <rasheed@arabnews.com>
Sent: Friday, September 10, 2004 10:58 AM
Subject: (Comments on “Bayanihan Fund”)

Greetings Mr. Abou-Alsamh,

As a concerned citizen of the Philippines, I feel obligated to respond to your negative views on the Philippine government administration. Considering that the subject of your article is socio-political in nature, my response to you will depend on your socio-political affiliation. Considering further that I do not know your socio-political affiliation (i.e. nationality or social group or religion), I will provide separate alternative responses.

Firstly, if you are not a Filipino, then with due respect Mr. Abou-Alsamh, your comment is an unwarranted intrusion into our socio-political lives. Good government or the lack of it is a problem of the Filipinos. (Accordingly), only the Filipinos should address it (without involving) any outsider. (Rather than interfere with our internal affairs, you should instead) just comment on the problems of your own nationality or society or religion.

For example, if you (are actually) an Arab Muslim, considering that the domain name of your e-mail address uses the term “arabnews,” then it's best for you to just comment on the most pressing problem that concerns the Arab Muslims. This problem is that of “religious intolerance” practiced by no less than the leading Arab Muslim nation Saudi Arabia. As a Christian Catholic, I find it depressing and almost unbelievable that until (today), there (exists) a country like Saudi Arabia that makes it a criminal offense for a person to preach his (chosen) religion … within (its) territorial jurisdiction (if it were not Islam). This is a most serious human (rights) problem that threatens peace and security not only in West Asia (or the Middle East) but the entire world. (State sanctioned “religious intolerance” creates the perfect breeding ground for “religious extremism.”) If instead of criticizing the socio-political situation in the Philippines, you spend your time and effort solving the grave social problem of religious intolerance (in your own homeland), then your time and effort will be most wisely spent and most gracefully appreciated not only by the Filipinos but by (all the people of the world).

Secondly, if you (are actually) a Filipino, (then) regardless of your religious affiliation, it's time for you to stop complaining about the (problem) and start doing something about it. (Before anything else however, you must first) shed off your negative bias about anything and everything that (the) government does. (This change in perspective is necessary so that you can) see a clearer picture of the real socio-political situation...

You see Mr. Abou-Alsamh, you need to have a little more faith so that we can all move forward. Let's stop all (these) finger pointing and (endless) blaming (as what irresponsible) politicians and media practitioners (do best). All these negative chatter only serve to aggravate the problem rather than contribute to the solution...

Sincerely,
Dindo Donato
Makati City







Sunday, August 30, 2009

Comments on Marxism

From: DINDO B. DONATO <dbdonato@info.com.ph>
To: <frvillote@edsamail.com.ph>
Cc: mailto:deszrlaw@info.com.ph%3ESent:
Saturday, December 01, 2001 2:33 AM
Subject: (Comments on “Puroy on Our Mind”)

Dear Fr. Villote:

I wish to comment on the (reflections) of one EG of London contained in your article (entitled) “Puroy on Our Mind” (and) published (in) the 27 May 2001 issue of the Sunday Inquirer Magazine. I do not know EG, and certainly I do not intend to engage him in endless and fruitless debate. I believe however that his reflections are not only disturbing, they are also subtly (disorienting). Therefore, I feel I have to make known my own comments, if only to (counter the frustration and confusion that results from) EG's reflections. My comments (in Tagalog address the vernacular reflections of EG) as follows:

1. Sa palagay ko merong malalim na pagkakamali sa pakiramdam ni EG ng “panghihinayang” sa Masa Revolt ng 1 May 2001 sa dahilan (raw) na walang mga lider “progresibo” ang grupo ni Puroy. Para sa akin, hindi mahalaga kung ang mga lider nila Puroy ay mga “rightist” o mga “progresibo” kuno. Kung ang (balakin) lang din ng mga (lider na ito) ay pag-awayin ang mahirap laban sa mayaman, maling-mali na kaagad ang batayan at layunin ng kanilang kilusan.

2. Dito pa lang sa “panghihinayang” ni EG ay (nababahala) na ako. (Pakiramdam) ko, marxista si EG sa (isip) at damdamin. Tungkol naman sa marxismo, (heto ang isang paliwanag na galing sa internet):

“Marxism is a false ideology of (greed and) violence, that calls for all the poor to (rob and) kill all the rich, so that there will arise a classless society where there is material equality, because then nobody will be rich and everybody will be poor. It is not really an ideology of love (of) the poor. (It) is merely an ideology of hatred (of) the rich. That is all there is to Marxism, nothing more.”

3. Lalo pa akong nababahala sa (pananaw) ni EG kung sino at ano si Puroy. Sabi ni EG: “Sa kumplikadong mundo ni Puroy, mahirap sabihin kung sino ang mali o tama, kung alin ang masama o mabuti... Wala kang paniniwalaan kung sino ang tama o mali. Basta't gawin mo ang kailangan mong gawin, huwag ka lang pahuli. Ganyan ang lohika ng buhay nila. Huwag nating hanapin sa kanila, gaya ng ginawa ni Joel, ang lohika ng ating 'moralidad' – ang moralidad ng mga may matuwid na buhay... Kung ikaw si Puroy, masasabi mo bang masamang mambato ng pulis, mang-agaw ng batuta, lumusob sa Malakanyang? Masasabi mo bang masama ang manakot ng reporter o magsunog ng sasakyang media na walang ginawa kundi ulit-ulitin ang insultong binabato sa tulad niyang mahirap?”

4. Agad nakikita sa salita at (isip) ni EG na napakababa ng tingin niya kay Puroy. Nawala na ang pagkatao ni Puroy dahil hindi na (raw) siya marunong kumilala ng tama o mali. Ganun lang ba ka-simple yun? Dahil lumaki si Puroy sa (iskwater), wala na (raw) siyang (kakayahang) kumilala ng tama o mali? Bakit merong iba dyan, lumaki nga na “middle class” o mayaman, pero hindi rin marunong kumilala ng tama o mali?

5. Para sa akin, nasa kalooban ng tao ang pagkilala (ng) tama o mali. Totoo na may “negative influence” ang “negative environment.” Pero hindi totoo na dahil lumaki ang tao sa “negative environment” ay tiyak wala na siyang pag-asa na kumilala ng tama o mali. Nasa tao pa rin ang huling pasya kung ano ang (nais) niyang gawin sa buhay niya. Kaya lalo (lang) akong naguluhan sa “matinding pakiusap” ni EG na sana “huwag nyong ikaila ang pagkatao (ni Puroy).” Meron yatang “inconsistency” dito. Sa pagkaintindi ko, si EG mismo ang hindi kumikilala sa pagkatao ni Puroy.

6. Hindi rin ako sang-ayon sa “comparison” ni EG kay Erap at sa nanay (na puta) ni Puroy. (Yung) nanay ni Puroy ay (nagpakahirap) para kay Puroy. Pero si Erap, noong naging Presidente siya ng bayan, (nagpakahirap) by siya para sa mga tulad ni Puroy?

7. Marami sa ating (mga) kababayan na “middle class” at mayaman, ang nagulat sa tindi at lalim ng mga hinanakit ng masa noong naganap na Masa Revolt. Pero (ako), (namulat na) noong 1998 “presidential elections” pa (lamang). Isa akong “volunteer lawyer” noon ng Partido Reporma ni De Villa. Nag “volunteer” ako (matapos nai-junk) siya ni FVR, at iniwan ni Cory. Napakalungkot at napakahirap ng kampanya (namin). Araw-araw kong sinusunduan sa “tri-media” and tindi ng batikos ng mga Presidential candidates laban kay Erap. Pero nung lumabas ang resulta, maliwanag na walang (epekto) ang mga (ito). Para sa akin, maliwanag din kung ano ang nangyari. Ayaw na ayaw nang (pakinggan ng masa ang) mga pangaral ng “middle class” at mayaman sa “tri-media.” Sawang-sawa na sila sa pambobola atbp. (Nung sapilitan) kong intindihin kung bakit ayaw nang makinig ang masa sa “middle class” at mayaman, iisa lang ang naging (kasagutan). Bakit, kailan ba nakinig (ang) “middle class” at mayaman sa masa?

8. (Sa) karanasan ng ating bayan, (merong) dalawang malalim na dahilan kung bakit (ang) masa ay (nananatiling) mahirap sa mga dekadang nakalipas. Ang una ay (sa dahilan na) ang “middle class” at mayaman ay “indifferent” o walang paki-alam sa (kapakanan) masa. Ang pangalawa ay (sa dahilan na) ang masa mismo ay (“indifferent” o walang paki-alam sa pag-asang) pagbabago.

9. Yung unang dahilan ay nakikita sa kawalan ng malawakang “involvement” ng “middle class” at mayaman sa kapakanan ng masa. Madalas kanya-kanya ang pag-asenso at pag-unlad sa buhay. Kaya kung ikaw ay masa na walang (pambayad sa gastusing pang-edukasyon), malamang maiiwan ka sa patuloy na pag-asenso at pag-unlad ng “middle class” at mayaman...

10. Yung pangalawang dahilan ay madaling makita sa (tuwing eleksyon). Hindi lang ito sa “national elections” tulad ng 1998 “Presidential elections.” (Marami ring) mga “local elections,” na kahit wala namang nagawa yung (naka-upo), nananalo pa rin. Para bagang (matagal nang sumuko) ang masa. Wala rin daw namang mangyayari (sa) kahit sino pa ang naka-upo. Kaya (wala ring) panghihinayang sa pagbebenta ng boto.

In sum, our (deeply entrenched) social problems, will have to be addressed by all (the people) thinking, speaking and acting as (one). The key is multi-class cooperation, and not inter-class conflict.

Sincerely,
Dindo Donato
Makati City









Comments on the GRP-MNLF Peace Pact

From: DINDO B. DONATO <dbdonato@info.com.ph>
To: <rdavid@pacific.net.ph>
Sent: Monday, November 26, 2001 1:01 AM
Subject: (Comments on “Misuari's Failure”)

Dear Mr. David...

My comments are as follows:

1. I do not believe that the 1996 Peace Agreement can already be deemed a failure at this time. On the contrary, I believe it has … been successful … (on) the aspect that counts the most, that is the aspect of “national security.” (For) as long as the overwhelming majority of the Muslim MNLF integrees remain with the Christian dominated AFP, the 1996 Peace Agreement can … rightfully and legitimately be considered a success. (The continuing good) working relationship between the MNLF integrees and the rest of the AFP, is the best living proof that Muslim Filipinos can live peacefully with Christian Filipinos.

2. For lack of personal knowledge, I (cannot) comment on the serious allegation of (Nur) Misuari that (Norberto) Gonzales of Malacanang purportedly participated in the supposed conspiracy to force him out of power. I can say however that if indeed the overwhelming majority of the MNLF leaders and members truly want (Nur) Misuari out as their leader, Malacanang has no choice but to deal with the new collective leadership, in the interest of national security, political stability and long-term socio-economic growth. At the end of the day, we must remember that Mindanao does not belong to (Nur) Misuari alone, but rather Mindanao belongs to all its people. If the times require that the “old man” of the MNLF must now give way to the new collective leadership, (if) only to facilitate better government-MNLF cooperation, then so be it.

3. Again for lack of personal knowledge, I (cannot) comment on the purported failure of (Nur) Misuari to deliver socio-economic projects, as well as his alleged malversation of government funds. I would rather have the records speak for themselves. In this regard, I await the publication of more detailed government audit reports on the performance and integrity of (Nur) Misuari on the matter of socio-economic projects and government funds.

4. With respect however to the matters of political leadership and statesmanship, I (agree) that (Nur) Misuari indeed failed when he rallied his loyal followers to take up arms against the government, using the age-old anti-Christian propaganda lines and slogans, (and) apparently hiding his real motive of personal vengeance against the government who sided with his adversaries from within the MNLF. Perhaps (Nur) Misuari was deeply hurt and embarrassed by the turn of events within the MNLF organization. Nonetheless, no one can deny that such personal pain will have to give way to the greater interest of peace. We cannot plunge into another war simply because (Nur) Misuari feels the need to uphold his personal pride and regain his political power. (We) must remember that in a country with a functioning democratic government, such as our country, there is no legitimate justification whatsoever for armed rebellion (except perhaps in the face of widespread human rights violations and as a matter of self defense). We (need) to realize that armed rebellion is by itself a major cause of poverty. Armed rebellion must end in order for real socio-economic progress to begin. (Incidentally, this comment also applies to the other rebel groups, i.e. NPA and MILF.)

5. Regarding the ARMM experiment, I (believe) that (this) concept (of having) another level of local government vested with both executive and legislative powers for the governance of the Muslim community, is most unwise and imprudent.

Firstly, the ARMM name itself that suggests exclusive application to the Muslim community (impliedly excluding the Christian and tribal communities of Mindanao), already serves to divide further the people (concerned). The Christians and Muslims of Mindanao already know that their deep animosities against each other have divided them for centuries. There is no point to be served in dividing them further by establishing this ARMM for the Muslim areas, and maintaining another structure of regional government for the Christian and tribal areas. In the interest of long-term peace and co-existence, what we need to do is to discard all these structures which … discriminate and segregate, and instead focus on uniform structures and common socio-cultural practices (which equalize and integrate). This way, we can (promote) the development of a sense of unity and commonality among all the people involved.

Secondly, the vesting of legislative power in the ARMM laws the groundwork for (complicating) the legal system (governing) the (territory) covered. In (this) age (of) globalization, governments all over the world need to streamline their bureaucracies and simplify their legal processes in order to attract (and encourage) private sector (economic) activities. With the ARMM legislature, we are doing exactly the opposite. As we (now) see, compliance with the requirements of the (existing) national laws already burdens the private sector. We can just imagine the negative impact on economic activities if private sector has to contend with another set of regional laws, in addition to the national laws.

Thirdly, the establishment of the ARMM as a local government unit, requiring the conduct of a referendum to ascertain voter consent to its coverage, puts too much political uncertainty to the formation of a regional government body. As we now know, when voter sentiment was ascertained, only the Muslim areas voted in the affirmative, while all the Christian and tribal areas voted in the negative. Here again we have another instance of further division. Is this the formula for long-term peace and co-existence?

6. Based on my legal experience as the former general-counsel of the JPDC (John Hay Poro Point Development Corporation), the implementing arm of the BCDA (Bases Conversion Development Authority), taken together with research work done on existing regional initiatives, specifically the Davao Integrated Development Plan (covering all the cities and provinces [of] the Davao region), I believe there is a cost-effective alternative to the ARMM (that) may benefit not only the Muslim areas but also all the other Christian and tribal (community) areas in Mindanao.

The (proposed) alternative structure … is basically (patterned after) the (existing) BCDA/SBMA structure, minus the (scheme for) tax and duty free incentives. Under this alternative structure, there is no regional legislature, but only a regional executive. Accordingly, policy formulation will be a national function, while policy implementation will be a regional function. This combines the benefits of a uniform (regional) legal system on the one hand, and (a) strong regionalized hands-on (executive) on the other hand.

The cost for the establishment of the alternative government structure will be minimal because no new level of bureaucracy is created. The existing regional offices of the national executive line departments will merely be spinned-off to create the new regional administrative authority.

Considering that government experience in administering area-based development agencies have been limited to smaller areas (such as the municipalities or parts of municipalities covered by the BCDA), the prudent way to go would be to limit the size of a given region to that which is relatively smaller and therefore more manageable. The Davao region or the Socsargen region would be good examples of what would be a relatively smaller region, compared to the (larger) area comprised of the entire Western Mindanao (under) the SPCPD which formed part of the ARMM experiment.

(Incidentally, this alternative structure may also apply to all the other existing administrative regions in Luzon and the Visayas)...

Sincerely,
Dindo Donato
Makati City