ELITE TRIAD BLOCKING REFORM
Introduction
At the turn of the twentieth century, our country gleamed of promise. Having established the first albeit short-lived republic in Asia, the country attained unprecedented human development during the years leading to the Commonwealth era.
Now at the turn of the twenty-first century, the promise remains unfulfilled. There are even those who warn us that we are regressing to a failed state.
Having survived a world war, faced off unending communist and separatist rebellions, embraced democracy, experienced dictatorship, and born of two people's power revolutions, we would have learned the lessons necessary to succeed as a nation. Sadly, we have not. By imagining what we could have become, and looking at what we are now, we have indeed failed to fulfill the promise.
How and why did we fail as a nation? What are the causes of our failure?
Some say the causes are cultural. Others say the causes are structural. In a sense, they are both correct. These causes are interdependent, rather than independent. Everything is integrated, and nothing isolated.i To see one but not the other is like a man with one leg. He can stand and hop, but he cannot walk nor run.
Due to various limitations however, I will write about the structural causes only. Let others more knowledgeable on these matters write about the cultural causes, as well as the interplay between them.
Status Quo Ante
When our forefathers established Asia's first republic, they adopted the unicameral parliamentary system.ii They chose this model free from any pressure from the first colonizer Spain.
When their successors established the Philippine Commonwealth, they adopted the bicameral presidential system.iii They evidently chose this model under the guidance of the second colonizer the US.
Ostensibly, the Philippine bicameral presidential system copied the American model, laden with repetitive check and balance provisions. On closer scrutiny however, it was worse.
Firstly, the president was elected directly at large (PH), and not indirectly by an electoral college of local representatives (US). Secondly, the senators were elected in similar manner (PH), and not from the localities (US). Thirdly, the commonwealth constitution imposed nationality requirements on strategic economic activities (PH), while the mother constitution carried no economic restrictions whatsoever (US).
The presidential and senatorial elections were skewed in favor of the elite few. They were obviously the only citizens anywhere capable of conducting or financing nationwide electoral campaigns.
The economic restrictions appeared ironic. I thought the great strides in human development then were due largely to massive foreign (American) investments in infrastructure and education.
Notably, during the past 75 years, national elections at large had been dominated by rich and famous candidates. Rich candidates are those who could afford to spend millions (now billions) to make themselves known to the voters. Famous candidates are the entertainment, sports and media celebrities who are already known to the voters. Thus, election to public office was based on pure popularity without regard to actual performance.
In this milieu, the oligarchy - comprised of a few closely knit and immensely affluent families - managed to exert strong influence over our national politics and economy.
During the last 25 years, an Elite Triad has emerged to preserve and protect the status quo of unjust social structures. In their present form, they have evolved to become the new enemies of genuine reform.
Elite Triad
What and who is the Elite Triad?
The Elite Triad is a union of local and foreign vested interests. It is comprised of the Kamag-anak, Inc. (KG), the Kapamilya, Inc. (KP) and The Company, Inc. (CI).
KG and KP are large enterprises with holdings in mass media, public utilities and agriculture. As their names imply, they are family based.
The CI is a foreign government institution with a global network. Created for licit intelligence gathering, it is widely known to engage in illicit foreign intervention.iv
The Elite Triad successfully blocked constitutional reform during the FVR, Erap and GMA administrations. The strategy was simple and effective. On one hand, they demonized the main proponents by portraying the move as a power grab or a sell-out. On the other hand, they pacified the advocates with false sympathy by pretending that their opposition was only about timing.
In hindsight, the Elite Triad opposed all constitutional reform, whether limited to certain sections (i.e. term limits under FVR) or articles (i.e. economic provisions under Erap; sub-state for Muslims under GMAv), or encompassing the entire constitution (i.e. Con-Comm under GMA). The mode was not important, whether by people's initiative (under FVRvi and GMAvii), constituent assembly (under Erap and GMA), or constitutional convention (under GMA). What was important was to ensure that no proposed amendment whatsoever was put to a vote by the people.
The Elite Triad also played a key role in the election of Noynoy as president,viii courtesy of Smartmatic's PCOS technology. Why did it support Noynoy? It's obviously because Noynoy, being a clone of his mother Cory, has always opposed constitutional reform in whatever form.
What is the agenda of the Elite Triad?
It is both economic and political, local and regional.
Elite Triad's Economic agenda
Local agenda
The economic agenda of KG and KP is to ensure that local consumers remain the captive market of local monopolists. This is done by protecting Filipino business interests against potential foreign competitors in strategic industries. The protectionist measures ordinarily come in the form of constitutional or statutory prohibitions against the entry of competing foreign investors. For example, the 1987 Constitution requires a minimum 60% Filipino equity requirement for public utilitiesix and agricultural land,x and a full 100% Filipino equity for mass media.xi
With these protectionist clauses in mind, did you ever ask yourself how many among the 90 million Filipinos are financially capable of owning 60% of a public utility (like Meralco, PLDT and Globe), or 100% of a television and radio network or broadsheet (like ABS-CBN, DZMM, PDI and Philstar)?
Incidentally, the 1987 Constitution also requires a minimum 70% Filipino equity for advertising companies.xii I could not understand then why the so-called Cory-Bernas Constitution would digress from previous constitutions and henceforth treat advertising as a strategic industry. I always thought advertising was mainly for commercial and non-political purposes. It would be totally different however if what the framers had in mind was advertising for political and non-commercial purposes. Ad agencies here can work to mold public opinion for or against elective candidates, destabilize government administrations, influence government policies and muddle national issues.
In passing, they probably forgot to impose Filipino equity requirements on survey firms (like SWS and Pulse Asia). As we now know, survey firms are also powerful tools in molding public opinion, when used in conjunction with mass media, under the over-all direction of an ad agency.
In both state and private universities, professors (who do not know any better) implant in the minds of their students the concept that Filipino business interest is synonymous with national interest. This is of course foolish.
In reality the opposite is true. By preventing the entry of foreign investors into the local economy, you actually prevent the creation of jobs, as well as the supply of competing goods. These protectionist measures ironically deprive Filipino workers and consumers, of alternative job opportunities and of lower priced or better quality goods.
In post-graduate schools on business administration, students are taught that there is a divergence between the economic interests of the enterprise owners vis-a-vis the enterprise managers.xiii By analogy, there is a similar divergence between the economic interests of the enterprise owners and the enterprise workers.xiv By further correlation, there is obviously a great divergence between the economic interests of the enterprise owners and the buyers of their goods and services.
The conclusion is inescapable – Filipino business interest is NOT synonymous with Filipino national interest.
Is it not better for a Filipino bread winner to simply work for a foreign company in the country, than to work overseas also under a foreign employer but in a foreign land and under a foreign government? This way the bread winner does not have to leave his or her family for long periods of time.
Does not the principle of social justice say that those who have less in life should have more in law?xv Why does constitution give more protection to the Filipino businessmen, at the expense of the Filipino workers and consumers who have less in life? In many cases (such as public utilities, mass media, plantation farms and universities), the protected class are billionaire businessmen.
Another perplexing rule is the restriction of foreign investments in education.xvi Is state regulation of educational institutions not sufficient to safeguard the national interest?xvii Are not all educational institutions required to adopt the standard government approved curriculum anyway regardless of ownership? Why prevent foreign investors from investing in new classrooms and introducing modern teaching methods? Do not Filipinos themselves seek higher education abroad to improve their educational attainment? Why not invite these foreign schools instead to teach students here in the country? I thought that the perennial shortage of classrooms was conclusive proof that we have an extreme shortage of investments in the education sector.
Still another mind boggling rule is the bar against foreign investors from exploiting oil and other natural resources in the Philippines, unless they first enter into a joint venture with Filipino businessmen.xviii Does not the state own all natural resources under the doctrine of jura regalia?xix Does the state really need the inter-mediation of a Filipino businessman, who is practically just a middleman, before it can enter into a contract with a foreign company? Cannot the state just dispense with the Filipino middleman, who in most if not all cases anyway has neither the technology nor capital to undertake this type of activity?
Foreign agenda
The economic agenda of the CI is more nebulous. Some say it simply wants to defer the commercial exploitation of natural resources throughout the archipelago until 2020, because that is when their current production will start to fall.
How I wish I could validate this disturbing theory, but unfortunately I could not.
I recall however the media instigated controversy about a projected oil venture in the Spratleys involving the Philippines, Vietnam and China. The venture provoked loud expressions of displeasure by the US, and awakened its sleeper agents both inside and outside of the Philippine government.xx
I also recall that the US reaction perplexed the chief executive of PNOC-EDC. I believe he said that they offered the project first to the US. However, they were not interested. Curiously, when he turned to the Chinese and Vietnamese, the US protested.
Do we really have to wait for the US until 2020 before we can start to explore and exploit our oil resources in the Spratleys?
Elite Triad's Political agenda
The political agenda of the Elite Triad is two-fold. The first is to ensure control or strong influence over the selection process for key national government officials. The second is to keep government weak and incapable of introducing changes to the status quo of unjust social structures.
Control or strong influence in the selection of key national government officials is done through the adoption and continuance of nationwide elections at large as the preferred mode of selecting the president and the senators.xxi These officials represent control of the entire executive branch and half of the legislative branch.
The chosen electoral process is combined with ownership and control of national mass media.xxii Recently, the control of mass media has been complemented by ownership, control or influence over the leading survey firms.
All these factors together complete the apparatus of control over the national agenda. The Elite Triad decides what issues are discussed and what are not. Of course, the Elite Triad also decides who is good and who is evil.
Keeping government weak and incapable of challenging the present social order is done in two measures. The first is to separate the executive branch from the legislative branch.xxiii This measure makes for institutional gridlocks between the separated political branches and turns them against each other. The second is to divide the legislative branch into two separate chambers.xxiv This measure also makes for institutional gridlocks between the separated chambers and likewise turns them against each other.
In contrast, under a unicameral parliamentary system, the executive and legislative branches are combined under the parliament, and the parliament in turn is comprised of only one chamber.xxv This is definitely a much stronger government system, capable of putting in check the all powerful Elite Triad itself.
Only a monarchy or a military dictatorship would be stronger than a unicameral parliament. Neither system however is acceptable to the people today.
Perpetuation of Status Quo
To ensure the perpetuation of the unjust social structures, the highest law of the land adopted the most restrictive sovereignty provisions for amending the constitution.
Thus, the 1987 Constitution requires the affirmative vote of three-fourths of all its members to directly propose amendments,xxvi two-thirds of all the members of Congress to call a constitution convention,xxvii and the petition of at least twelve percent (12%) of the total number of registered voters, of which every legislative district must be represented by at least three percent (3%) of the registered voters therein, to likewise directly propose amendments through initiative.xxviii
Considering the prevailing government structures where the political branches are separatedxxix and bifurcatedxxx thereby turning them against each other, the manner of selecting the president and the senators skewed in favor of the elite few, taken in relation to the country's fairly large voter base of more than 50 millionxxxi out of a citizen population of more than 90 million,xxxii the mere act of proposing amendments to the constitution has become virtually impossible.
This is apparently the best way to undermine the people's sovereignty and subvert democracy.xxxiii You prevent the conduct of any plebiscite on proposed changes to the constitution, by simply preventing anyone from proposing changes. We can debate all we want provided we cannot vote on it. That is democracy as far as the Elite Triad is concerned.
By comparison, the mother constitution of the US requires only a two-thirds vote by both Houses to directly propose amendments.xxxiv
IEC social tool
For this writing, we may define the concept of Information, Education and Communications (IEC) as a process of engaging people, using various modes of communication, to disseminate information and impart knowledge, for the purpose of changing their behavior.
As a social tool, IEC may be used to promote the general welfare of the people (i.e. health, poverty alleviation, environmental protection, etc.). At the other end however, it may also be used to manipulate the minds of the people, subvert their democracy and violate their sovereignty.
Where the IEC is used in a negative way, the preferred method of manipulation is to “poison the channels of public information.”xxxv
In pursuit of a specific regime change objective, IEC may be directed to vilify the incumbent administration, erode the people's trust and confidence in government, and mobilize support for its ouster and replacement by a friendly regime.
The vilification generally consists of charges of corruption and human rights violations. The evidence or truthfulness of the charges are immaterial. The only thing material is that the charges stick in the minds of the people.
During the recent regime change operation of the Elite Triad against the GMA administration, the IEC focused on questioning the legitimacy of her government by alleging massive cheating during the 2004 elections.xxxvi Foreign intervention became so blatant in that US Embassy Chargé d’Affaires Joseph Mussomeli openly praised to high heavens the mutinous Hyatt 10 while being interviewed by ANC 21 of ABS-CBN at the height of the crisis.xxxvii This is what we now know as the Garci tape scandal.xxxviii
Looking back, this IEC operation largely succeeded in vilifying GMA before the local and overseas populace, eroding the people's support for her government. However, it failed to produce the desired regime change to oust her from office.
A source from media opined that this IEC campaign against GMA cost the Elite Triad at least 10 billion pesos during the period of 2005-2010. I thought the actual figure was much higher. The estimate given sounds more like the high end cost of a presidential campaign. The IEC for regime change extended for a period much longer than the usual presidential campaign.
I presume the Elite Triad also poured funds and resources to instigate and finance the various coup attempts against GMA, none of which however came close to the intensity of the December 1989 coup against Cory Aquino.
IEC for constitutional reform
In a positive way, the IEC may also be used to pursue constitutional reform.
Based however on the frustrating experience of the advocates during the last 25 years, it is clear that the IEC cannot be limited to the mere communication of the merits of constitutional reform.
Why?
It is because the Elite Triad does not play fair. It plays dirty.
Apart from the basic IEC focusing on the merits of shifting to a unicameral parliamentary system and lifting restrictions on foreign investments in strategic industries, the advocates will also need to counter the dirty tricks of the Elite Triad.
As a citizen advocate for reform, I am not saying that we need to activate our own dirty tricks department. What I am saying is that we also need to exert a major major effort to counter the lies of the Elite Triad with the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.
With this in mind, I offer another meaning for IEC:
I – identify the key players and affiliated groups of the Elite Triad, particularly those in media and the academe, so the people may recognize the false prophets in their midst.
E – expose the vested interests and anomalous transactions of the Elite Triad, particularly the affiliate transactions of plunder proportions during the first Aquino administration,xxxix so the people may be cautious of the wolves in sheep's clothing.
C – call on the people to unite and reject the lies and pretenses of the Elite Triad, because no one else will protect the people's interests except the people themselves.
I am not saying that we do an Osama Bin Laden. What I am saying is that we do a Mahatma Gandhi. We must take peaceful, non-violent and concerted action to resist and reject the Elite Triad.
The ultimate objective will be to degrade the capability of the Elite Triad to dominate our politics and economy. At that point, they may continue to engage our people and the state, but no longer from a dominant position of control and influence.
Mabuhay,
Dodong aka Ka Kiko
30 November 2010
i See Orion Perez Dumdum, Philippine Progress: Shift in Sports, Shift in System, 07 July 2010, http://antipinoy.com/philippineprogress.
ii Demosthenes B. Donato, Proposed Amendments to the 1987 Constitution and the Malolos Constitution of 1899, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.proposed_amendments_to_the_1987_constitution_and_the_malolos_constitution_of_1899.pdf.
iii 1935 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, Articles VI-VIII.
iv Carmen N. Pedrosa, The story within the story, Philippine Star, 07 September 2008, http://dodongakakakiko.blogspot.com/2009/07/story-within-story.html.
v Demosthenes B. Donato, Comments on the GRP-MILF Peace Process, Rev. 11 March 2010, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.comments_on_the_grp-milf_peace_process.01_december_2008.rev11_march_2010.pdf.
vi Santiago v. Comelec, G.R. No. 127325, 19 March 1997, http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/jurisprudence/1997/mar1997/127325.htm.
vii Lambino v. Comelec, G.R. Nos. 174153 and 174299, Decision, 25 October 2006, available at http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.lambino_v_comelec.decision.25_october_2006.pdf. Lambino v. Comelec, G.R. Nos. 174153 and 174299, Resolution, 21 November 2006, available at http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.lambino_v_comelec.resolution.21_november_2006.pdf. Lambino v. Comelec, G.R. Nos. 174153 and 174299, Resolution, 16 January 2007, available at http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.lambino_v_comelec.resolution.16_january_2007.pdf. Lambino v. Comelec, G.R. Nos. 174153 and 174299, Letter, 05 February 2007, available at http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.lambino_v_comelec.letter.05_february_2007.pdf.
viii Carmen N. Pedrosa, Pieces of a Puzzle, Philippine Star, 12 September 2009, http://dodongakakakiko.blogspot.com/2009/09/yellow-revolution-in-2010.html.
ix 1987 Constitution, Article XII National Economy and Patrimony, Sec. 11.
x See 1987 Constitution, Article XII National Economy and Patrimony, Secs. 2, 3, and 7.
xi 1987 Constitution, Article XVI General Provisions, Sec. 11(1).
xii 1987 Constitution, Article XVI General Provisions, Sec. 11(2).
xiii Meckling, William H. and Jensen, Michael C., Theory of the Firm: Managerial Behavior, Agency Costs and Ownership Structure (July 1, 1976).
xiv Demosthenes B. Donato, Draft Bill – Profit Sharing and Stock Options, Rev. 2008, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.draft_bill.profit_sharing_&_stock_options.2001.pdf. Explanatory Note – Profit Sharing and Stock Options, Rev. 2008, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.draft_bill.profit_sharing_&_stock_options.2001.explanatory_note.pdf.
xv 1987 Constitution, Article II Declaration of Principles and State Policies, Sec. 10.
xvi 1987 Constitution, Article XIV, Education, Science and Technology, Arts, Culture, and Sports, Sec. 4(2).
xvii 1987 Constitution, Article XIV, Education, Science and Technology, Arts, Culture, and Sports, Sec. 4(1).
xviii 1987 Constitution, Article XII National Economy and Patrimony, Sec. 2.
xix 1987 Constitution, Article XII National Economy and Patrimony, Sec. 2.
xx Tarra Quismundo, US seeks peaceful, transparent resolution of Spratlys issue, Philippine Daily Inquirer, 03/09/2008, http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/breakingnews/nation/view/20080309-123734/US-seeks-peaceful-transparent-resolution-of-Spratlys-issue.
xxi Demosthenes B. Donato, Indirect Elections for President is the Better Method of Representative Democracy, 14 November 2010, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.indirect_elections.14_november_2010.pdf.
xxii Carmen N. Pedrosa, The Kris and Noynoy Show on ABS-CBN, Philippine Star, 07 November 2009, http://www.philstar.com/Article.aspx?articleId=521031.
xxiii Demosthenes B. Donato, American Presidentialism not Applicable to the Philippines, 14 November 2010, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.presidentialism.14_november_2010.pdf.
xxiv Demosthenes B. Donato, American Bicameralism not Applicable to the Philippines, 14 November 2010, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.bicameralism.14_november_2010.pdf.
xxv Demosthenes B. Donato, Three (3) Basic Advantages of the Unicameral Parliamentary System, 14 November 2010, http://www.deszr.com/download/ideszr.unicameral_parliamentarism.14_november_2010.pdf.
xxvi 1987 Constitution, Article XVII, Sec. 1(1).
xxvii 1987 Constitution, Article XVII, Sec. 3.
xxviii 1987 Constitution, Article XVII, Sec. 2.
xxix Supra Donato, Presidentialism.
xxx Supra Donato, Bicameralism.
xxxi Voters of 2010 Philippines presidential elections exceed 50-million, Xinhua, Manila Bulletin, 09 January 2010, http://www.mb.com.ph/node/237631/voter.
xxxii Summary of Project Population, National Statistics Office, 2006, http://www.census.gov.ph/data/sectordata/popproj_tab1r.html.
xxxiii 1987 Constitution, Article II Declaration of Principles and State Policies, Sec. 1.
xxxiv Constitution of the United States of America, Article V.
xxxv Carmen Pedrosa, Fascism in the Streets, Philippine Star, 02 March 2008, http://dodongakakakiko.blogspot.com/2009/07/biggest-political-lie.html.
xxxvi Supra Pedrosa, The story.
xxxvii Transcript of Chargé d’Affaires Joseph Mussomeli’s interview on ANC 21’s “Dateline Philippines,” with Ricky Carandang, 08 July 2005. Previously available at the US Embassy – Manila website at http://manila.usembassy.gov/. Excerpt of ANC 21 interview: Ricky: Can you categorically tell us right now, sir, that the United States Government supports the administration of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo? CDA: I could categorically tell you that we support the rule of law. Within that context, we believe that the President is still the President, obviously. That it is within her legal rights to remove her cabinet; her Cabinet is hers to do with as she pleases, but that doesn’t mean we’re not disappointed in that. It doesn’t mean that we’re not worried; this is something that distracts from the reforms that she was committed to and we hope is still committed to. You know, I know many of he Cabinet members who have resigned now, and the ones that I know are all very decent, and good people, patriots -- people who are concerned for the welfare of the Filipino people. So, it is a worrisome thing, but it is certainly within her rights. (emphasis supplied) Ricky: Do you agree with the characterization of some of the President’s allies that these cabinet members who spoke this morning are “adventurous?” CDA: No, I couldn’t agree with that. I know some of them very well, and the ones I know, frankly, have accepted these posts as an act of patriotism and are concerned for the welfare of the people. They could make a lot more money and have a lot more prestigious roles in the private sector, but they have chosen to be in the Cabinet... (emphasis supplied) Ricky: …that pertain to reports, widespread speculation that the United States may have had some involvement on this. If you recall when the tapes first came out, Secretary Bunye himself said that there were reports that the Americans had something to do with it, and of course you said that you had nothing do with it. CDA: Right, and that was actually proven true.
xxxviii Gonzalo M. Jurado, Ph.D, The Present as History: A Narration and Interpretation of Events, 31 December 2009, http://dodongakakakiko.blogspot.com/2010/01/hello-garci-and-aragoncillo-project_12.html.
xxxix Efren L. Danao, Government still owns Meralco, Manila Times, 14 May 2008. Stephanie Dychiu, Cory's land reform to test Noynoy's political will, GMA News, http://www.gmanews.tv/story/182195/corys-land-reform-legacy-to-test-noynoys-political-will. Emil Jurado, Distorting History, 23 February 2010, Manila Standard Today, http://www.manilastandardtoday.com/insideOpinion.htm?f=2010/february/23/emiljurado.isx&d=2010/february/23. Bobby M. Reyes, Not Getting Mad at, But Getting Even with Tita Cory, 07 September 2007, http://www.mabuhayradio.com/philippine-presidency/not-getting-mad-at-but-getting-even-with-tita-cory.
Saturday, December 25, 2010
Thursday, September 23, 2010
MILF Pushes for Sub-State Instead of Independent State
MANILA, Philippines (Xinhua) - The chairman of the newly- reconstituted peace panel of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front ( MILF) said Wednesday they will be pushing for the establishment of a sub-state in the southern region of Mindanao as part of the final peace agreement or comprehensive compact.
In a phone interview, MILF chief negotiator Mohagher Iqbal said that under the sub-state, the Moro people will have control on all aspects, except on four: national defense, foreign affairs, currency and coinage, as well as postal services.
"A sub-state does not necessarily mean independence. It can mean less than independence," said Iqbal, adding that the sub- state that they are going to espouse will still be under the central or national government.
Iqbal said they do not want autonomy, noting that there is already the existing Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The ARMM was established as a result of the peace agreement between the government and the Moro National Liberation Front ( MNLF) in 1996.
"It is not stated in our proposal specifically, but the formulation that we have put up is really for the creation of a state, sub-state arrangement," said Iqbal. The MILF had submitted a draft peace agreement to the government during the latter part of the Gloria Macapagal Arroyo administration.
If the sub-state is established, Iqbal said, the MILF, chaired by Aj Haj Murad, will only have a role in the transition period.
"The MILF is just an agency of the Moro people and it is only the transition where the MILF will have a role. At the regional government, it is the Moro people themselves that would run the sub-state," said Iqbal.
"Under the sub-state, they (Moro people) would have no power on four (fields), the national defense, foreign affairs, currency and coinage, and postal services. Those belong to the central government, meaning the sub-state would not have soldiers, but internal security (forces) only," he added.
Iqbal said the central government still have the authority to deploy at the sub-state because it has the national defense jurisdiction over the sub-state. "The sub-state is still under the Philippines. This is not (an) independent state," he said.
Iqbal said that the MILF is foreseeing a comprehensive compact that will be signed with the government in two years or even less.
"As far as the MILF is concerned, we are looking at a two-year timeframe...If the government is serious, this will be over (in two years) because we only have one agenda to discuss, no more ceasefire...no socio-economic, etc," said Iqbal.
"We only have one thing to discuss. So, if the Philippine government is serious (we will sign the accord), we are no longer talking about independence. So, we think this will be over soon," the MILF official also said.
The MILF has been fighting government troops for decades to establish a self-rule Muslim state in the south of the predominantly Catholic country. Peace talks between the government and the MILF stalled in August 2008 following the aborted signing of the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain.
Efforts are being undertaken by both sides to revive the talks. The central government of the Philippines has expressed its willingness to resume talks with the MILF. A final peace deal with the government will touch the issues of autonomy and the civil settlement of the separatist group's 11,800-strong guerrilla fighters.
Source URL: http://www.mb.com.ph/articles/278533/philippines-milf-pushes-substate-instead-independent-state
Copyright 2010. Manila Bulletin All Rights Reserved
September 22, 2010, 10:17pm
In a phone interview, MILF chief negotiator Mohagher Iqbal said that under the sub-state, the Moro people will have control on all aspects, except on four: national defense, foreign affairs, currency and coinage, as well as postal services.
"A sub-state does not necessarily mean independence. It can mean less than independence," said Iqbal, adding that the sub- state that they are going to espouse will still be under the central or national government.
Iqbal said they do not want autonomy, noting that there is already the existing Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The ARMM was established as a result of the peace agreement between the government and the Moro National Liberation Front ( MNLF) in 1996.
"It is not stated in our proposal specifically, but the formulation that we have put up is really for the creation of a state, sub-state arrangement," said Iqbal. The MILF had submitted a draft peace agreement to the government during the latter part of the Gloria Macapagal Arroyo administration.
If the sub-state is established, Iqbal said, the MILF, chaired by Aj Haj Murad, will only have a role in the transition period.
"The MILF is just an agency of the Moro people and it is only the transition where the MILF will have a role. At the regional government, it is the Moro people themselves that would run the sub-state," said Iqbal.
"Under the sub-state, they (Moro people) would have no power on four (fields), the national defense, foreign affairs, currency and coinage, and postal services. Those belong to the central government, meaning the sub-state would not have soldiers, but internal security (forces) only," he added.
Iqbal said the central government still have the authority to deploy at the sub-state because it has the national defense jurisdiction over the sub-state. "The sub-state is still under the Philippines. This is not (an) independent state," he said.
Iqbal said that the MILF is foreseeing a comprehensive compact that will be signed with the government in two years or even less.
"As far as the MILF is concerned, we are looking at a two-year timeframe...If the government is serious, this will be over (in two years) because we only have one agenda to discuss, no more ceasefire...no socio-economic, etc," said Iqbal.
"We only have one thing to discuss. So, if the Philippine government is serious (we will sign the accord), we are no longer talking about independence. So, we think this will be over soon," the MILF official also said.
The MILF has been fighting government troops for decades to establish a self-rule Muslim state in the south of the predominantly Catholic country. Peace talks between the government and the MILF stalled in August 2008 following the aborted signing of the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain.
Efforts are being undertaken by both sides to revive the talks. The central government of the Philippines has expressed its willingness to resume talks with the MILF. A final peace deal with the government will touch the issues of autonomy and the civil settlement of the separatist group's 11,800-strong guerrilla fighters.
Source URL: http://www.mb.com.ph/articles/278533/philippines-milf-pushes-substate-instead-independent-state
Copyright 2010. Manila Bulletin All Rights Reserved
September 22, 2010, 10:17pm
Wednesday, March 24, 2010
A skewed tax system?
No tax - no service
CTALK
By Cito Beltran
(The Philippine Star)
Updated March 10, 2010 12:00 AM
(A)llow me to share a story that was told to former Senator Tito Sotto, which he in turn shared:
Sometime back, a fire struck a bank in the town of Talisay on the island of Negros. People were frantic and did everything to put out the fire. Unfortunately, the fire took its toll and destroyed the bank.
Long after the fire burned out, the local fire truck arrived. It seems that the truck had bogged down because it was old and in need of serious repairs which the town had very little budget for.
A bank official complained about the situation and angrily suggested that the town should do something about buying better equipment.
The town Mayor reportedly heard the angry statements and shot back: “Why don’t you go to Makati and tell them to buy us a new fire truck since your company pays all its taxes to the City of Makati and not the town of Talisay”.
I can’t say how accurate the story goes but the fact is, many businesses all over the Philippines make money in many different provinces but pay their taxes in Metro Manila, particularly in the City of Makati. This is what Senator Tito Sotto has called “The modern-day Imperialism of Metro Manila”.
They make the money elsewhere but haul it all to Metro Manila.
Many of the businesses that pay in Metro Manila also happen to be the “big businesses” that have a lot of investments in Metro Manila, so it is to their interest that the tax money goes where their major developments or investments are, and not in the provinces. Companies such as Ayala, SM, Robinsons, hotel chains, even the franchise giants are all over the country but pay taxes in Metro Manila.
With all due respect to Mayor Jejomar Binay, I can now better appreciate how the City of Makati can afford to give free education, free hospitalization, free movie passes, and other benefits to its two million plus residents. They have all the tax money that should otherwise be paid by corporations to the local governments where they do business.
Makati is not alone in this matter since, cities such as San Juan, Mandaluyong, Pasay and now Taguig have a fair share of corporations that have their office addresses in these cities but make money in Palawan, Boracay, Mindoro, Marinduque, Bicol, Baguio, Ilocos etc.
I learned about this some 20 years ago when I built Club Paradise Resort in Coron, Palawan. After interacting with local officials, I learned that even if they wanted to improve the local airport toilet, the roads and construct a much needed foot bridge for tourists, the town Mayor and the local barangay could not do anything since they had no share in any of the tax revenues generated by the resort we built and operate in their town.
When the resort chef collapsed on the job, we took him to the local hospital, where we ended up bringing a work crew and volunteering to put nylon screens on the entire hospital just to minimize the potential of malaria mosquitoes spreading the disease among patients.
As I compared notes with former Senator Tito Sotto, we came to the conclusion that the law needs to be changed. Only by “giving unto Caesar what is Caesar’s” can we expect real development outside Metro Manila.
Why should students or patients have to go to Metro Manila, or Baguio or Cebu just to get good quality education or medical attention? Why should barangays or local government units have to spend for public services such as police, firemen, barangay tanods, health workers to service business establishments that do not “pay” or directly share the cost of government services?
As far away as Palawan is from Cagayan Valley, the fact is these provinces, towns and cities all have to deal with the after sales nightmare of pollution and health impact. Batteries, plastic coffee cups, PE water bottles, cigarette butts, resort wastes, socially transmitted diseases, peace and order, traffic.
But all the tax money goes into beautifying Ayala Avenue and The Fort. The tax money goes to building sport coliseums and hospitals in San Juan or Mandaluyong. It pays for brand spanking new fire trucks in Manila and Quezon City. And while a little boy dies halfway between Mindoro and Batangas City in the vain hope of getting medical attention, people in Metro Manila are all talking about the free hospitalization because of the ad: “dahil ganito kami sa Makati”.
This is not a condemnation of the City of Makati or “big business”. It is a condemnation of how our tax laws have cheated Filipinos outside Metro Manila.
CTALK
By Cito Beltran
(The Philippine Star)
Updated March 10, 2010 12:00 AM
(A)llow me to share a story that was told to former Senator Tito Sotto, which he in turn shared:
Sometime back, a fire struck a bank in the town of Talisay on the island of Negros. People were frantic and did everything to put out the fire. Unfortunately, the fire took its toll and destroyed the bank.
Long after the fire burned out, the local fire truck arrived. It seems that the truck had bogged down because it was old and in need of serious repairs which the town had very little budget for.
A bank official complained about the situation and angrily suggested that the town should do something about buying better equipment.
The town Mayor reportedly heard the angry statements and shot back: “Why don’t you go to Makati and tell them to buy us a new fire truck since your company pays all its taxes to the City of Makati and not the town of Talisay”.
I can’t say how accurate the story goes but the fact is, many businesses all over the Philippines make money in many different provinces but pay their taxes in Metro Manila, particularly in the City of Makati. This is what Senator Tito Sotto has called “The modern-day Imperialism of Metro Manila”.
They make the money elsewhere but haul it all to Metro Manila.
Many of the businesses that pay in Metro Manila also happen to be the “big businesses” that have a lot of investments in Metro Manila, so it is to their interest that the tax money goes where their major developments or investments are, and not in the provinces. Companies such as Ayala, SM, Robinsons, hotel chains, even the franchise giants are all over the country but pay taxes in Metro Manila.
With all due respect to Mayor Jejomar Binay, I can now better appreciate how the City of Makati can afford to give free education, free hospitalization, free movie passes, and other benefits to its two million plus residents. They have all the tax money that should otherwise be paid by corporations to the local governments where they do business.
Makati is not alone in this matter since, cities such as San Juan, Mandaluyong, Pasay and now Taguig have a fair share of corporations that have their office addresses in these cities but make money in Palawan, Boracay, Mindoro, Marinduque, Bicol, Baguio, Ilocos etc.
I learned about this some 20 years ago when I built Club Paradise Resort in Coron, Palawan. After interacting with local officials, I learned that even if they wanted to improve the local airport toilet, the roads and construct a much needed foot bridge for tourists, the town Mayor and the local barangay could not do anything since they had no share in any of the tax revenues generated by the resort we built and operate in their town.
When the resort chef collapsed on the job, we took him to the local hospital, where we ended up bringing a work crew and volunteering to put nylon screens on the entire hospital just to minimize the potential of malaria mosquitoes spreading the disease among patients.
As I compared notes with former Senator Tito Sotto, we came to the conclusion that the law needs to be changed. Only by “giving unto Caesar what is Caesar’s” can we expect real development outside Metro Manila.
Why should students or patients have to go to Metro Manila, or Baguio or Cebu just to get good quality education or medical attention? Why should barangays or local government units have to spend for public services such as police, firemen, barangay tanods, health workers to service business establishments that do not “pay” or directly share the cost of government services?
As far away as Palawan is from Cagayan Valley, the fact is these provinces, towns and cities all have to deal with the after sales nightmare of pollution and health impact. Batteries, plastic coffee cups, PE water bottles, cigarette butts, resort wastes, socially transmitted diseases, peace and order, traffic.
But all the tax money goes into beautifying Ayala Avenue and The Fort. The tax money goes to building sport coliseums and hospitals in San Juan or Mandaluyong. It pays for brand spanking new fire trucks in Manila and Quezon City. And while a little boy dies halfway between Mindoro and Batangas City in the vain hope of getting medical attention, people in Metro Manila are all talking about the free hospitalization because of the ad: “dahil ganito kami sa Makati”.
This is not a condemnation of the City of Makati or “big business”. It is a condemnation of how our tax laws have cheated Filipinos outside Metro Manila.
Wednesday, March 10, 2010
Fatwa on Islamic extremism
ALJAZEERA.NET
UPDATED ON:
Tuesday, March 02, 2010
21:42 Mecca time, 18:42 GMT
Cleric issues anti-terror fatwa
A leading Islamic scholar has issued a fatwa in Britain condemning "terrorists" as the enemies of Islam, in a bid to deter young Muslims from extremism.
Muhammad Tahir ul-Qadri, head of the Minhaj ul-Quran religious and educational organisation, said suicide bombers were destined for hell as he released his 600-page edict in London on Tuesday.
"They can't claim that their suicide bombings are martyrdom operations and that they become the heroes of the Muslim Umma [the wider Muslim community], no, they become heroes of hellfire, and they are leading towards hellfire," he said.
"There is no place for any martyrdom and their act is never, ever to be considered Jihad," he said.
'No place in Islam'
At a news conference, ul-Qadri said Islam was a religion of peace that promotes beauty, "betterment", goodness and "negates all form of mischief and strife".
"Terrorism is terrorism, violence is violence and it has no place in Islamic teaching and no justification can be provided for it, or any kind of excuses or ifs or buts," he said.
A number of edicts condemning extremism have been made by Islamic groups since the September 11 attacks on the United States, but ul-Qadri insists his is the most wide-reaching.
"This is the first, most comprehensive fatwa on the subject of terrorism ever written," he told the Reuters news agency.
"I have tried to leave not a single stone unturned on this particular subject and I have tried to address every single question relevant to this subject."
Pakistan-born ul-Qadri, 59, has written about 350 books on Islam, and is a scholar of Sufism, a Muslim branch that focuses on peace, tolerance, and moderation.
The Quilliam Foundation, a UK counter-extremism think-tank, said the fatwa was "arguably the most comprehensive" theological refutation of Islamic extremism.
Tim Winter, a lecturer in Islamic studies at Cambridge University, said while ul-Qadri's step of declaring "miscreants as unbelievers" was unusual, it was unlikely extremists would take notice of his edict.
"Those who are already hardliners will pay no attention at all. But 'swing voters' - poorly educated and angry Muslims, who respect mainstream scholars, will probably take note," he told Reuters.
Ul-Qadri said he felt compelled to issue the edict because of concerns about the radicalisation of British Muslims at university campuses and because there had been a lack of condemnation of extremism by Muslim clerics and scholars.
The Minhaj-ul-Quran movement, founded in Pakistan in 1980, works around the globe to promote peace and interfaith dialogue.
UPDATED ON:
Tuesday, March 02, 2010
21:42 Mecca time, 18:42 GMT
Cleric issues anti-terror fatwa
A leading Islamic scholar has issued a fatwa in Britain condemning "terrorists" as the enemies of Islam, in a bid to deter young Muslims from extremism.
Muhammad Tahir ul-Qadri, head of the Minhaj ul-Quran religious and educational organisation, said suicide bombers were destined for hell as he released his 600-page edict in London on Tuesday.
"They can't claim that their suicide bombings are martyrdom operations and that they become the heroes of the Muslim Umma [the wider Muslim community], no, they become heroes of hellfire, and they are leading towards hellfire," he said.
"There is no place for any martyrdom and their act is never, ever to be considered Jihad," he said.
'No place in Islam'
At a news conference, ul-Qadri said Islam was a religion of peace that promotes beauty, "betterment", goodness and "negates all form of mischief and strife".
"Terrorism is terrorism, violence is violence and it has no place in Islamic teaching and no justification can be provided for it, or any kind of excuses or ifs or buts," he said.
A number of edicts condemning extremism have been made by Islamic groups since the September 11 attacks on the United States, but ul-Qadri insists his is the most wide-reaching.
"This is the first, most comprehensive fatwa on the subject of terrorism ever written," he told the Reuters news agency.
"I have tried to leave not a single stone unturned on this particular subject and I have tried to address every single question relevant to this subject."
Pakistan-born ul-Qadri, 59, has written about 350 books on Islam, and is a scholar of Sufism, a Muslim branch that focuses on peace, tolerance, and moderation.
The Quilliam Foundation, a UK counter-extremism think-tank, said the fatwa was "arguably the most comprehensive" theological refutation of Islamic extremism.
Tim Winter, a lecturer in Islamic studies at Cambridge University, said while ul-Qadri's step of declaring "miscreants as unbelievers" was unusual, it was unlikely extremists would take notice of his edict.
"Those who are already hardliners will pay no attention at all. But 'swing voters' - poorly educated and angry Muslims, who respect mainstream scholars, will probably take note," he told Reuters.
Ul-Qadri said he felt compelled to issue the edict because of concerns about the radicalisation of British Muslims at university campuses and because there had been a lack of condemnation of extremism by Muslim clerics and scholars.
The Minhaj-ul-Quran movement, founded in Pakistan in 1980, works around the globe to promote peace and interfaith dialogue.
Monday, February 1, 2010
Tribute to the AFP
In commemoration of the 24th anniversary of the 1986 EDSA Revolution, this blogger pays tribute to the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), who time and again exemplified patriotism in protecting the people and the state, against communist rebels, separatist rebels and religious extremists.
Tribute is given to the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) for their audacity in challenging the authoritarian government of then President Ferdinand Marcos.
Tribute is given to the Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force (PCSAF), and their allied forces such as the defecting Philippine Air Force (PAF) Strike Wing, who rose to the occasion when the time came to make a stand.
Finally, tribute is given to the government forces such as the Philippine Marine units, who in conscience remained loyal to the chain of command, but nonetheless struggled to keep the opposing human barricade of unarmed civilians safe at all times.
The article below narrates the story behind the PCSAF. pnp.gov.ph
THE BIRTH OF THE PC SPECIAL ACTION FORCE
Onward the years, Ramos was a 46-year old Army Brigadier General on the eve of his takeover as Chief of the Philippine Constabulary (PC) in concurrent capacity as Director-General of the Integrated National Police (INP). A position which he held for fourteen years. Later on, during his guard as AFP Vice-Chief of Staff in concurrent capacity as Chief, PC/DG, INP , as always, he unleashed his potentiality as a well-seasoned warrior gained through the years of field experiences obtained in Korea, Vietnam and a greater degree, as a Commanding Officer of the Army’s Special Forces against a calculating home front enemies that tries to subvert the nation’s politico-socio-eco stability, namely: the CPP/NDF and its military arm – the dreaded New People Army; the secessionist Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led by a former ideologue UP professor, Nur Misuari, and the rising tide of criminality and lawlessness. Added to this grim everyday struggle that confronted the nation and unaware to many, was a more pressing problem within the AFP/INP establishment that should had been addressed immediately and in a drastic manner by the Marcos Administration but in doing so, it was taken lightly and complacently and in the end, paid a price worth more than the entire Marcos Administration itself turned EDSA Revolution - the historic internal bickering between General Fidel Ramos and General Fabian Ver. A controversy that brought fruition to the Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force whose counterpart is the AFP Special Forces.
What were the specific circumstances that gave birth to the then PC SAF? “An eye for an eye, a tooth by a tooth,” done in a classical cloak-and-dagger story, was the tall order during those pre-Edsa Revolution days as the Ramos-Ver controversy increasingly gripped the guardians of the nation’s security. The latter, in a “coup d’ grace” or final death blow, crippled General Ramos’ hold of the Philippine Constabulary by deactivating all the PC Brigades, the lone PC units then with a readily available combat capabilities, and converting them into territorial forces under the administrative and operational control of Ver’s organizational strategic masterpiece – the Regional Unified Commands (RUCs) whose personnel and equipage came from the different AFP branches gave raise to a composite unit. Under this trying circumstances, Ramos was virtually sitting in an half-emptied kingdom reduced of effective combat maneuver force giving Ver the edge to control the military and police establishment within his own whims and caprices. This emboldened Ramos, with the assistance of Colonel Renato De Villa’s supervision and leadership management skills, then the PC/INP Chief of Operations, providently contemplated to protect the PC/INP from further combat force reduction through an off-set method by spearheading the activation of a battalion-sized elite combat unit named as the “Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force” or acronym “PC SAF” on May 16, 1983, pursuant to HPC GO Nr 323, possessed with the following characteristics, namely: manned by qualified in-service PC personnel who are highly trained in unconventional warfare and can operate in any terrain both urban and rural, in all weather, in any war dimensions (air, land and sea); highly mobile and equipped with the best logistical materiel (firearms, communications, transportation and technology or the ability to “move, fire and communicate with precision”) available in the market.
When Marcos fell ill, Ramos and De Villa covertly and meticulously planned a contingency known as “Exercise Ligtas Isla” designed as a countermeasure in case General Ver and Imelda Marcos made an attempt to take the reins of power if Ferdinand Marcos died.
Tribute is given to the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) for their audacity in challenging the authoritarian government of then President Ferdinand Marcos.
Tribute is given to the Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force (PCSAF), and their allied forces such as the defecting Philippine Air Force (PAF) Strike Wing, who rose to the occasion when the time came to make a stand.
Finally, tribute is given to the government forces such as the Philippine Marine units, who in conscience remained loyal to the chain of command, but nonetheless struggled to keep the opposing human barricade of unarmed civilians safe at all times.
The article below narrates the story behind the PCSAF. pnp.gov.ph
THE BIRTH OF THE PC SPECIAL ACTION FORCE
Onward the years, Ramos was a 46-year old Army Brigadier General on the eve of his takeover as Chief of the Philippine Constabulary (PC) in concurrent capacity as Director-General of the Integrated National Police (INP). A position which he held for fourteen years. Later on, during his guard as AFP Vice-Chief of Staff in concurrent capacity as Chief, PC/DG, INP , as always, he unleashed his potentiality as a well-seasoned warrior gained through the years of field experiences obtained in Korea, Vietnam and a greater degree, as a Commanding Officer of the Army’s Special Forces against a calculating home front enemies that tries to subvert the nation’s politico-socio-eco stability, namely: the CPP/NDF and its military arm – the dreaded New People Army; the secessionist Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led by a former ideologue UP professor, Nur Misuari, and the rising tide of criminality and lawlessness. Added to this grim everyday struggle that confronted the nation and unaware to many, was a more pressing problem within the AFP/INP establishment that should had been addressed immediately and in a drastic manner by the Marcos Administration but in doing so, it was taken lightly and complacently and in the end, paid a price worth more than the entire Marcos Administration itself turned EDSA Revolution - the historic internal bickering between General Fidel Ramos and General Fabian Ver. A controversy that brought fruition to the Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force whose counterpart is the AFP Special Forces.
What were the specific circumstances that gave birth to the then PC SAF? “An eye for an eye, a tooth by a tooth,” done in a classical cloak-and-dagger story, was the tall order during those pre-Edsa Revolution days as the Ramos-Ver controversy increasingly gripped the guardians of the nation’s security. The latter, in a “coup d’ grace” or final death blow, crippled General Ramos’ hold of the Philippine Constabulary by deactivating all the PC Brigades, the lone PC units then with a readily available combat capabilities, and converting them into territorial forces under the administrative and operational control of Ver’s organizational strategic masterpiece – the Regional Unified Commands (RUCs) whose personnel and equipage came from the different AFP branches gave raise to a composite unit. Under this trying circumstances, Ramos was virtually sitting in an half-emptied kingdom reduced of effective combat maneuver force giving Ver the edge to control the military and police establishment within his own whims and caprices. This emboldened Ramos, with the assistance of Colonel Renato De Villa’s supervision and leadership management skills, then the PC/INP Chief of Operations, providently contemplated to protect the PC/INP from further combat force reduction through an off-set method by spearheading the activation of a battalion-sized elite combat unit named as the “Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force” or acronym “PC SAF” on May 16, 1983, pursuant to HPC GO Nr 323, possessed with the following characteristics, namely: manned by qualified in-service PC personnel who are highly trained in unconventional warfare and can operate in any terrain both urban and rural, in all weather, in any war dimensions (air, land and sea); highly mobile and equipped with the best logistical materiel (firearms, communications, transportation and technology or the ability to “move, fire and communicate with precision”) available in the market.
When Marcos fell ill, Ramos and De Villa covertly and meticulously planned a contingency known as “Exercise Ligtas Isla” designed as a countermeasure in case General Ver and Imelda Marcos made an attempt to take the reins of power if Ferdinand Marcos died.
Saturday, January 16, 2010
NPA - The biggest illegal armed group
EDITORIAL - The biggest illegal armed group
(The Philippine Star) Updated January 15, 2010 12:00 AM
From P20,000 to P500,000: those are the going rates this year, according to military officials, if candidates want freedom from harassment by communist rebels during the campaign period. The “permit-to-campaign fee” collected by the New People’s Army is not new; the rebels have extorted protection money from candidates in previous elections, as they have extorted “revolutionary taxes” from even micro entrepreneurs across the country.
While the rebels may not have the firepower of the Ampatuans, who built up an extensive private arsenal from state resources, the NPA has more members and is the largest illegal armed group in the country. And while the NPA has not committed an election-related atrocity on the scale of the Maguindanao massacre, the rebels’ extortion activities and intimidation of candidates also undermine elections and must be stopped.
Army officials reported recovering from a suspected rebel slain in Sorsogon a list of extortion victims. Candidates for vice mayor, the Army said, were asked to pay P20,000 each as permit-to-campaign fee; for councilor and board member, P30,000 each; for vice governor, P50,000; and for governor or a congressional seat, P500,000. A rebel spokesman denied specifying amounts and said they merely issued “access permits” to candidates.
A military solution will not end the insurgency and NPA fund-raising through extortion, but there are ways of discouraging the harassment of candidates. The election gun ban must be strictly enforced. Candidates must be given incentives to refuse payment and report to authorities NPA extortion attempts, including protection from retaliation.
A study conducted in the Bicol Region by the Commission on Human Rights found that during the 2007 midterm elections, communist rebels prevented people mostly in remote villages from voting. In Legazpi City, according to the CHR report, armed groups prevented at least 20,000 people from voting. With the renewed focus on dismantling private armed groups, the government must also intensify its campaign to prevent the NPA from undermining the forthcoming elections.
(The Philippine Star) Updated January 15, 2010 12:00 AM
From P20,000 to P500,000: those are the going rates this year, according to military officials, if candidates want freedom from harassment by communist rebels during the campaign period. The “permit-to-campaign fee” collected by the New People’s Army is not new; the rebels have extorted protection money from candidates in previous elections, as they have extorted “revolutionary taxes” from even micro entrepreneurs across the country.
While the rebels may not have the firepower of the Ampatuans, who built up an extensive private arsenal from state resources, the NPA has more members and is the largest illegal armed group in the country. And while the NPA has not committed an election-related atrocity on the scale of the Maguindanao massacre, the rebels’ extortion activities and intimidation of candidates also undermine elections and must be stopped.
Army officials reported recovering from a suspected rebel slain in Sorsogon a list of extortion victims. Candidates for vice mayor, the Army said, were asked to pay P20,000 each as permit-to-campaign fee; for councilor and board member, P30,000 each; for vice governor, P50,000; and for governor or a congressional seat, P500,000. A rebel spokesman denied specifying amounts and said they merely issued “access permits” to candidates.
A military solution will not end the insurgency and NPA fund-raising through extortion, but there are ways of discouraging the harassment of candidates. The election gun ban must be strictly enforced. Candidates must be given incentives to refuse payment and report to authorities NPA extortion attempts, including protection from retaliation.
A study conducted in the Bicol Region by the Commission on Human Rights found that during the 2007 midterm elections, communist rebels prevented people mostly in remote villages from voting. In Legazpi City, according to the CHR report, armed groups prevented at least 20,000 people from voting. With the renewed focus on dismantling private armed groups, the government must also intensify its campaign to prevent the NPA from undermining the forthcoming elections.
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