Wednesday, March 30, 2022
Saturday, March 12, 2022
The Journey to Sabah, Part 4
Preservation of Sulu
Sultanate History and Rights by DD Krishna D. Kiram
https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100035615757316
The journey to Sabah of Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram and his 235
followers, Part 4
Honoring
the Legacy, Sacrifices and Patriotic Acts of Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram,
Guro Bata Abdulhan Saradi, Guro Bata's Wife, his Son and the other 232
Followers during the 2013 Sabah Stand Off at Tanduo, Lahad Datu, Sabah.
That
day served as a recollection in History of the Bangsa Suluk/Sug People and the
Sultanate of Sulu, despite the magnificent odds faced by them and the
difficulty to be able to escape from the mighty Malaysian Thirteen BN Military
Forces during the February-March 2013 Sabah Stand-Off.
In
the early morning of Day 6, March 6, 2013, Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram and
his surviving and remaining followers reached the unguarded beach, a kilometer
away from the intense Malaysian military operations throughout the Battle Zone
in Tanduo Village. They used the darkness of nights to make a breakthrough and
the thickly forested as shelter to cover their presence and kept them
un-noticed by the huge number of Malaysian Mitary Forces combing the Tanduo
village during the day.
Feeling
a little space of freedom of movement, Raja Muda emerged himself from the
thickly forest along the beach shoreline. He was immediately identified and
recognized by the two followers, who from that day commenced their trip was
uncertain of their mission to get through and get the Datu Raja Muda except
merely was dependent on Devine blessings.
Acting
on the dictate of their conscience, the two followers drifted their banca in
the guise of fishermen about 100 meters away from the shoreline. As the Datu
Raja Muda recognized them while paddling fastly the banca towards him, he
commanded the followers hiding themselves to come out.
The
banca can only carry a maximum of five persons. The given circumstance
manifested again the followers' sense of patriotism and in upholding more
importantly their voluntary services to the Sulu Sultanate and the Datu Raja
Muda. Without further delay as time was of the essence, the followers reached
the collective consensus. Once again, their dedications dictated them to
forcibly carry the Datu Raja Muda into the banca to leave with his two sons.
Raja
Muda's journey back to Tawi-Tawi occurred in broad daylight. Even prior to the
outbreak of the 2013 Sabah Stand Off into a violent conflict on March 1, 2013,
the Malaysian Royal Navy Boats were already stationed in the Lahad Datu Sea
vicinity to monitor and stop food supplies and possible rapid deployment of
reinforcing forces to the Datu Raja Muda. In the same process, Malacanang also
sent the Philippine Navy Boat assigned to bring back to Tawi-Tawi the Datu Raja
Muda and his followers. While crossing the Sabah and Sulu Sea, they pretended
and acted as marginalized fishermen. They stopped and made themselves looked
like fishermen whenever they saw Malaysian Royal Navy ship patrolled and
crossed with their path in the territorial sea of Sabah. The Datu Raja Muda
landed in an island in Tawi-Tawi nearest to the sea border of Sabah (North
Borneo). The Sulu Sultanate’s supporters in the island kept the Raja Muda and
his son’s presence unnoticeable from the other residence.
Datu
Raja Muda Agbimuddin's natural tendency to withdraw safely all the surviving
followers still remained in seclusion in the thickly forested beach, a
kilometer away from the battle zone, was his primodial consideration. His
thoughts for them became his mental and physical exhaustion and greater than
during the inhumane bombardment of the three Malaysian jet fighter planes, the
day and night massive shelling and combing of the area by the thirteen
Battalions of Malaysian Military and Police in the battle zone and against the
pounding of massive shelling of their helpless situation in Tanduo village.
The
Datu Raja Muda was bewildered as to whether or not to keep and maintain the
secrecy of his presence and security in the island or to exercise his fresh
freedom of mobility to openly and quickly secure means of transportations to
withdraw the surviving followers.
On
Day 7 of March 7, 2013, a day after he was withdrawn, he ordered three batches
of non-powered engine bancas to sail in the night. The bancas were paddled by
volunteering residence of the island at the direction of two same persons that
withdrew the Raja Muda. They passed through un-noticeably by the Malaysian or
Philippine Navy boat guarding and monitoring closely the expected possible exit
passage of the Datu Raja Muda.
As
the Datu Raja Muda was not present to make the decisions and to direct
dispositions of remarkable tolerance as the three bancas cannot transport them
all, the followers showed once more their sense of volunteerism. The degree of
executing the withdrawal was very fast without time consumed in respect to the
question of who will join first.
The
three un-motorized bancas left the beach before mid-night of March 7, 2013,
with still twenty-three surviving followers remained in the thick-forested
beach. They utilized traditional compass liked the stars and sparkling lights
of underlying islands to determine the directions of their path to freedom.
Amidst the darkness and stillness of the night that almost made them deaf
coupled with the strong sea current between Sabah and Tawi-Tawi, they have to
re-route their courses upon seeing lights appeared from a suspected boats and
horizons. The situations surrounding them brought the three bancas apart from
each other. For nearly five hours, they sailed and paddled their bancas through
the Sabah Sea without having been detected by the Malaysian Royal Navy.
One
of the bancas carrying 37 surviving followers realized upon daybreak that they
paddled their bancas' course towards the Philippine Navy. They were intercepted
and treated as humanely as possible and as Filipino citizens by Officers and
Men and Women in Uniform in the Philippine Navy boat. They were brought to its
Base in Bata-Bata, Panglima Sugala, Tawi-Tawi, for interrogation. The
litigation of the case of the thirty-seven followers, where three of them
already succumbed to natural death, is not yet resolved despite of no witnesses
against them since 2013.
Un-perturbed
by faith of the 37 followers, another three un-motorized banca, a little bit
smaller than the first three bancas, left from the island in the evening of Day
8 of March 8, 2013. The mission was to get through and bring back the last 23
remaining followers still in the beach of Sabah.
At
this stage, the evacuation and survival of the 23 were done despite the
absolute subjectivity of their physical strength during the more than 10 hours
paddling the bancas in a round trip. Just liked the blowing of the winds to
preserve the freshness of the sea from the foulness as a result of a prolonged
calm, urged them, as volunteers, to save the 23 lives in accordance with the
fundamental and absolute ideality and destiny of the Sulu Sultanate’s hope for
the survival of its ancestral rights and patrimony. That subjectivity in the
recent time was fought against the Thirteen (13) Battalions Malaysian Forces
that led the 2013 Sabah Stand Off watered by blood and soul of the 235
followers.
To be
continued.
Abraham
J. Ibarani-Idnirani
Chairman
Center
for Studies of History of
Sulu
Archipelago
March
13, 2021
https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=268559338172043&id=114362470258398
Image by Wikimedia Commons, Cccefalon
The Journey to Sabah, Part 3
Preservation of Sulu
Sultanate History and Rights by DD Krishna D. Kiram
https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100035615757316
The journey to Sabah of Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram and his 235
followers, Part 3
Honoring the Legacy,
Sacrifices and Patriotic Acts of Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram, Guro Bata
Abdulhan Saradi, Guro Bata, his son, and the other 232 followers of the Sultanate
of Sulu during the 2013 Sabah Stand Off from March 1-15, 2013.
As a result of
growing tension in Tanduo, Lahad Datu, Sabah, WORD WAR ERUPTED between
spokespersons of Malacanang and the Royal Sulu Sultanate Media Center. The
Spokesperson of PNoy Aquino Administration IMPULSIVELY RE-ECHOED the MALAYSIAN
GOVERNMENT’S ACCUSATION against the Datu Raja Muda and his 235 followers AS
INTRUDERS and INFRINGING the TERRITORIAL RIGHTS of MALAYSIA over SABAH (NORTH
BORNEO). The PNoy Aquino Administration DEFENDED Malaysia’s consigned and
relegated rights, powers, and authority invested on Malaysia by Great Britain
in 1963. They also Treated Datu Raja Muda and his followers NO LONGER CITIZENS
of the Philippines while being under SIEGE by the Malaysian military forces.
The PNoy
Administration's Policy towards the Datu Raja Muda FIRMLY STRENGTHENED
MALAYSIA’S TREATMENT of PRESENCE of the Datu Raja Muda and his 235 followers NO
LONGER A POLICE MATTER but ENEMY of MALAYSIA.
The Administration of
President Benigno Simeon Aquino III had transformed itself into a VOICE of the
Malaysian Government. His Presidency ABANDONED the constitutional protection
and guarantee bestowed on the Sultan of Sulu as an Ordinary Citizen by the
Philippine Government since 1935 and by his Administration, who, in 2010
assumed also the constitutional duty and responsibility to uphold and honor the
Sabah Claim as a national Contract entered and signed between the Republic of
the Philippines and the Sultanate of Sulu in 1962.
The Malaysian
Government's wrongdoings infringed absolutely the modes of pacific settlement
of disputes as provided for under the United Nations Charter Resolution.
Malaysia violated also the principles and agreements and the Joint-Communique
embodied in the 1963 Manila Accord mutually signed by the Three Heads of
States, Prime Minister Tungku Abdul Rahman of Malaysia, President Sukarno of
Indonesia and President Diosdado Macapagal of the Philippines.
Unliked other
Presidents that were elected before him in the likes of President Diosdado
Macapagal and President Ferdinand E. Marcos, who sworn to protect the National
Contract for the peaceful settlement of Sabah Claim against Malaysia, the PNoy
Administration, instead, ADMONISHED Sultan Jamalul Kiram III and his Royal Clan
that full force of the law will be applied against them in view of the action
taken by Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram and his 235 followers.
President PNoy
Aquino's stern warning had lost sight on the legal importance of the fact of
the matter. That by virtue of the Sultan of Sulu's Act, the Philippine national
territory expanded after the latter agreed to issue the Republic of the
Philippines "The 1962 Conditional Transfer of Sovereignty Rights Over
North Borneo (Sabah)".
The Sultanate of Sulu
ALSO TOOK MANY FORMS OF LEGAL HARASSMENT from the AQUINO ADMINISTRATION. The
harassment encouraged the Malaysian Government in Kuala Lumpur to send its
AGENTS to Manila TO ASSASINATE SULTAN JAMALUL KIRAM III and ALL HIS SENIOR
FOLLOWERS. HIS ADMINISTRATION threatened also Sultan Jamalul Kiram III and his
siblings as conveyed by HIS Duly DESIGNATED NEGOTIATORS to IMPRISON or
REPATRIATE Them to Malaysia if Raja Muda and his followers WOULD NOT GIVE IN To
the MALAYSIAN DEMAND TO RETURN to the PHILIPPINES.
PNoy Aquino's
threatening words IMPELLED 33rd Sultan Jamalul Kiram III to ESCUSE HIMSELF and
ABSTAIN from the dialogue regarding the stand off between him and the
Malacanang duly designated and authorized representatives. LOSING SIGHT OF HIS
STATUS as A SPIRITUAL and POLITICAL LEADER, the 33rd Sultan of Sulu left the
table and decreed Abraham J. Idjirani, to continue the dialogue with the
MALACANANG DULY DESIGNATED NEGOTIATOR in that crucial night. In the morning,
Sultan Jamalul Kiram III CHALLENGED MALACANANG before the local and foreign
media TO WIDEN THE PHILIPPINE PRISON CELL as many of his relatives and the
Bangsa Suluk/Sug supporters would follow him.
The growing tension
and Malaysia’s MASSIVE MILITARY OPERATIONS were no doubt owed to Malaysia's FEELING
MIGHTY against the OBSOLETE FEW HAND-GUN and NATIVE SHARPENED BARONG and KRIS
of Raja Muda's followers brought by the followers TO PROTECT HIM on their
JOURNEY BACK HOME TO SABAH against lawless elements and pirates plying the
Sitangkai Strait.
As already mentioned,
the URGENT SITUATION compelled Sultan Jamalul Kiram III accompanied by his wife
and a sister, Dayang Dayang Sitti Krishna Kiram (Idjirani), a brother, Datu
Abdilnasser D. Kiram, Pastor “Boy” Saycon and Abraham J. Idjirani to seek the
assistance AT MIDNIGHT of VICE PRESIDENT JEJOMAR BINAY in his Vice Presidential
Residence in Makati. The APPEAL was acted on advice of MR. PASTOR “BOY” SAYCON,
the Sulu Sultanate Adviser on Foreign Affairs. The APPEAL sought on the Vice
President was to FACILITATE an EARLY MORNING MEETING of March 1, 2013, between
the Malaysian Ambassador to the Philippines and the Sultanate of Sulu’s
representatives, the Secretary-General and Spokesperson, Abraham J. Idjirani,
and the Sultan and Datu Raja Muda’s brother, Datu Abdilnasser D. Kiram,
concurrent present Datu Maharadja Lailah and 3rd in line to the throne of
Sultan of Sulu and North Borneo.
The requested meeting
was to discuss the parameter of PREVENTING the IMMINENT OUTBREAK of an ARMED
CONFLICT between the highly trained and well-equipped Malaysian soldiers,
commando and police and the Datu Raja Muda with his 235 armless followers.
Out of humanitarian
service and in his power and capacity as Vice President of the Republic of the
Philippines, Vice President Jejomar Binay intervened and conveyed by telephone
call in that night of February 28, 2013 Sultan Jamalul Kiram III’s request to
the Malaysian Ambassador. The Malaysian Ambassador agreed and granted the
request.
At 8:00 O'clock a.m.
of March 1, 2013, while the Sulu Sultanate’s designated representatives was on
its way, the FIRST SHOT of the MALAYSIAN FORCES WAS FIRED TOWARDS DATU RAJA
MUDA AGBIMUDDIN KIRAM but missed him. On that day, Friday, March 1, 2013, the
first day of battle at Tanduo Village, Lahad Datu, Sabah, begun.
To be continued.
Abraham J.
Ibarani-Idjirani
Chairman
Center for Studies of
History of
Sulu Archipelago
March 4, 2021
https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=627204181810101&id=100035615757316
Image by Wikimedia Commons, Cccefalon
The Journey to Sabah, Part 2
Preservation of Sulu
Sultanate History and Rights by DD Krishna D. Kiram
https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100035615757316
The journey to Sabah of Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram and his 235
followers, Part 2
The memory of 2013 Journey of Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram and the 235
followers to Sabah in order to seek greener pasture to improve the well-beings
of families they left behind in the Sulu Archipelago.
They intended and
looked forward to work in farms, factories, restaurants and coffee shops and as
bus drivers, etc. as 70 percent of them have been in Sabah as GRP-MNLF Conflict
refugee and who can speak the Bahasa Malay fluently.
But Malaysia
transformed and declared their journey as encroachment of its illegally
administered Sulu Sultanate's ancestral land, Sabah. That is despite the clear
mutual agreement embodied in the 1963 Manila Accord signed by Malaysia Prime
Minister Tungku Abdul Rahman, President Sukarno of Indonesia, and President
Diosdado Macapagal of the Philippines, which provide, quote: That the inclusion
of Sabah into the Federation of Malaysia will not prejudice the interest of the
parties concerned until finally resolve by the United Nations, unquote.
On February 16 at
1:35 in the morning, Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram and the 235 followers
arrived in Tandou Village, Lahad Datu Sabah.
Their journey
fulfilled the hopes and dreams to establish peaceful life, harmonious relations
with the millions of Sabahan of Bangsa Suluk origin, who already established
permanent abode in Sabah before 1963, since Sabah's incorporation into the
Malaysian Federation in 1963 and after the GRP-MNLF Conflict erupted in 1972 of
which in 1974 Malaysia opened and declared the territory of Sabah as safe-haven
for those victims of the conflict which cause immeasurable loss of lives and
destruction of properties, and All the ethnic groups.
Trusting in the PNoy
Aquino Government to follow suit his predecessors' recognition of the
proprietary rights of the Sulu Sultanate as a separate issue and the GRP's
recognition as the heirs' sole rights and authority over the same, including
Malaysia's adherence following the British legal obligation transferred to its
government since 1963 to continue rendering the annual rental lease payment
paid annually to the Sultan of Sulu, the Datu Raja Muda wanted their Journey to
be published in newspapers in the Philippines.
The main purpose was
his hope for the Philippine Government to render diplomatic assistance if
Malaysia would react unfavourably and also for Malaysia to understand their
2013 Journey was in line with Malaysia's recognition of the Sulu Sultanate's
proprietary ownership and authority.
Believing that PNoy
Administration would offer a blind eye on Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram and
the 235 followers, Malaysian prime Minister Najib reckoned their acts as
intrusion and them as intruders.
To be continued.
Abraham J. Idjirani
February 17, 2021
https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=253108233050487&id=114362470258398
Image by Wikimedia Commons, Cccefalon
The Journey to Sabah, Part 1
Preservation of Sulu
Sultanate History and Rights by DD Krishna D. Kiram
https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100035615757316
The journey to Sabah of Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram and his 235
followers, Part 1
This is reposted in memory of DATU RAJA MUDA AGBIMUDDIN KIRAM and the 235
FOLLOWERS, who showed their patriotic act during the 2013 Lahad Datu Stand-Off,
Sabah.
1st Series
Malaysia Mobilized
Its Mighty Thirteen BN Military Forces during the February-March 2013 Sabah
Stand-Off
Datu Raja Muda
Agbimuddin Kiram and his 235 followers’ journey from Simunul back home to Sabah
(North Borneo) on February 11, 2013 was a POVERTY DRIVEN JOURNEY and the HOPE
TO LIVE IN PEACE with the populace therein. It was delayed for a couple of
weeks in one of the islands in Tawi-Tawi as they still looked for boats to
transport them.
Their journey was
established on FIVE SIMPLE BASIC FACTS which Malaysia could have consider them
as humane as possible. Firstly, Malaysia would give consideration and
accommodation to their presence in respect to the 1939 British High Court’s
Recognition on the Sulu Sultanate’s proprietary rights. Secondly, it complied
the Mandates of the 1963 Manila Accord signed by Malaysia, Indonesia, and the
Philippines. Thirdly, Sabah (North Borneo) is an ancestral patrimony of the
Sultanate of Sulu and the Bangsa Suluk/Sug transferred to Malaysia by Great
Britain in 1963. Fourthly, the resolution to Malaysia’s claim of sovereign
ownership over Sabah (North Borneo) is still pending in the United nations. And
fifth, Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram hoped Malaysia continues to recognize the
bond of ancestral relations between the two peoples of North Borneo (Sabah) and
the Sulu Archipelago since time immemorial.
Datu Raja Muda
Agbimuddin Kiram’s 235 followers had an average age of 45 years. They arrived
at Tanduo, Lahad Datu, Eastern part of Sabah (North Borneo), at 1:30 in the
morning of February 26, 2013. He conveyed immediately their safe arrival to the
Sulu Sultanate Secretary-General, Abraham J. Idjirani. The journey’s story was
initially published by Ms. Arlyn Dela Cruz in the Philippine Daily Inquirer.
Their journey
rekindled the trip of some Datus from Sulu and their 1,500 followers in 1900.,
who hoped to establish residencies in Sandakan. Despite FOLLOWING the RULE OF
LAW of the British Colonial Authority in Sandakan by serving a notice to the
British Colonial Authority of their intention and desire to peacefully co-exist
with the inhabitants of North Borneo (Sabah), THEY WERE REFUSED and ORDERED to
return to Sulu.
History of 1900
repeat itself as Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin and his 235 followers’ presence in
the disputed territory WAS ALSO JUDGED by the Malaysian law. Malaysia’s
arguments WERE NOT BALANCED with the PROS and CONS and STATUS of ITS CLAIM to
title of sovereignty over Sabah (North Borneo). Its arguments were INADMISSIBLE
and CONTINUED TO DEFY the 1947 UN Charter Resolution, the 1950 UN Resolution,
the 1939 British High Court’s Recognition, and the intent and spirit of the
joint-communique embodied in the 1963 Manila Accord mutually signed and issued
by Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines.
Their journey was the
IMPACT of ACUTE PROBLEM of ABJECT POVERTY affecting Sulu, Basilan and
Tawi-Tawi. In the journey, Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram secretly brought
with him the copy of the 1939 Letters of Administration issued to late 32nd
Sultan Punjungan Kiram as Administrator of the Estate Territory of North Borneo
(Sabah) by C.F.C. Macaskie of the British Sessions Court of North Borneo in
Sandakan. The 1939 Letters of Administration EMBODIED the INVIOLABLE and
INHERENT RIGHTS and the BRITISH RECOGNITION of the PROPRIETARY RIGHTS, POWERS,
AUTHORITY and OWNERSHIP of the Sultan of Sulu and his heirs over NORTH BORNEO
(SABAH).
It was entrusted to
him by their late father, late 32nd Sultan Punjungan Kiram, as verbally decreed
and conveyed by his father’s 3rd wife, Hadja Hatidja Dawili Kiram, for him to
act as Administrator, safekeeper and guardian of the Estate Territory of North
Borneo (Sabah) in behalf of interests of the Bangsa Suluk/Sug and Filipino
people in general and all his other
twelve (12) siblings in particular.
The British High
Court recognition LEGALLY STIPULATED and RECOGNIZED the estate and proprietary
ownership over North Borneo (Sabah) of the Sulu Sultan and his co-heirs already
existed before Malaysia was established as a nation in 1963.
By being an heir to
the British Interests? Malaysia inherited the COURT'S RECOGNITION and DECISION
and IS LEGALLY BOUND and OBLIGED AS SUCCESSOR to the BRITISH LEASE INTEREST to
CONTINUE RENDERING the ANNUAL LEASE RENTAL PAYMENT to the HEIRS. The said
payment which the BRITISH and MALAYSIA
called it as CESSION MONEY TO BE PAID IN PERPETUITY WAS STOPPED in 2013
until now.
There was a HIGH RISK
HEAVIER THAN RAJA MUDA’S OWN FLESH and BLOOD to bring the Only Original Copy of
that 1939 Letters of Administration. However, his HUMANE CONCERN for the
WELL-BEINGS and SAFETY of the 235 followers PREVAILED and in case question and
misunderstanding of their presence may arise, Datu Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram
had a document to show and endorse it to the Malaysian Authority.
But the Malaysian
Prime Minister, Najib Tun Razak, treated HIS PRESENCE and the 235 followers as
INTRUDERS on Malaysia’s ALLEGED CLAIM TO TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNTY. President
Benigno “PNoy” Simeon Aquino III’s administration indirectly endorsed
Malaysia’s accusation thru an announcement issued from Malacanang. President
Aquino III also called them spoiler of peace as the 2013 Sabah Stand-Off
occurred coincidentally with the on-going peace talks between his
administration and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). He also
questioned, quote: how can the Kiram acquired such a vast track of territory?
unquote.
The Sulu Sultanate
Spokesperson, Abraham J. Idjirani, reminded Malacanang thru a press briefing
covered by local and foreign media by citing late Senator Arturo M. Tolentino’s
declaration during the 18th Session of the UN General Assembly in 1968, quote:
the Federation of Malaysia acquired claims to sovereign rights t o Sabah (North
Borneo) thru the 1878 Lease Agreement, rights which were not those of a
sovereign but those of a lease transferred by Great Britain to Malaysia in
1963.
To be continued.
ON BEHALF OF
DATI RAJA MUDA
AGBIMUDDIN KIRAM
and THE 235 FOLLOWERS
as well as the Bangsa
Suluk/Sug People
Abraham J. Idjirani
February 16, 2021
https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=252077649820212&id=114362470258398
Image by Wikimedia Commons, Cccefalon
Tuesday, March 1, 2022
People's Draft: Palakasin ang mga rehiyon, upang lahat kayang maka ahon
Bakit ang mga probinsya, palaging dumudulog sa
Maynila, hindi lang sa mga mahalagang programa, pati na rin sa mga sakuna,
bagyo, baha, lindol, bulkan, at pandemya? Wala bang marunong at matino sa mga
rehiyon, sa Maynila lang talaga merong ganoon? Diba maraming nasa Maynila,
galing din naman sa probinsya? Kaya nagsisikipan nang marami duon, mga negosyante
at manggagawa kaunti lang sa rehiyon. Mga malalaking programa, plano at
proyekto sa rehiyon, aprubado ng mga taong ‘di pa naka punta duon. Kapag may kuro-kuro
o reklamo ang mga taga-kanayunan, kinikimkim at tinitiis na lamang. Baguhin at
ayusin na natin ang sistema sa mga rehiyon, nang umayos ang pamamalakad at
kabuhayan duon. Bigyan sila ng sapat na kapangyarihan, nang makatulong sa
kaunlaran ng bayan. Palakasin ang mga rehiyon, upang lahat ay kayang maka-ahon. #PeoplesDraft
Thursday, February 24, 2022
Tribute to the AFP
TRIBUTE TO THE ARMED FORCES OF THE PHILIPPINES (AFP)
In commemoration of the 36th anniversary of the 1986 People’s Power Revolution, tribute is given to the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) that time and again exemplified patriotism in protecting the people and the state from extremists, terrorists, rebels and subversives.
Tribute is given to the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) for their audacity in challenging the authoritarian government administration of then President Ferdinand E. Marcos.
Tribute is likewise given to the Philippine Constabulary Special Action Force (PCSAF), and their allied forces such as the defecting Philippine Air Force (PAF) Strike Wing, that rose to the occasion when the time came to make a stand.
Tribute is finally given to the government forces, such as the Philippine Marine Corps (PMC) at EDSA, that in conscience remained loyal to the chain of command, but nonetheless kept safe at all times, the opposing human barricade of unarmed civilians.
Mabuhay ang “armed forces pambansa”!
Friday, February 11, 2022
10-Point Agenda of LMPF
LUMAD MINDANAW respectfully submits this 10-Point Statement of Issues and Concerns for consideration by the candidates for President, who seek to govern and unify the Nation composed of Tri-People, namely the Christians, the Muslims and the Indigenous People.
1. Restructure the Legal Framework by adopting the “People’s Draft” Constitution. Kini lang paglaum nga adunay pagbabago. Kung walay pagbag’o sa Batakang Balaod, walay katumanan ang giingon nga “pagbabago”. Ang tanan estorya sa mga politicos aron lang makuha o mapadayon ang poder.
2. Restructure the NCIP and establish Service Centers per tribe. Paphaon ang Provincial Offices, ug NCIP Service Center per tribe ang ipuli. Provide ample budget for implementation. NCIP Central Office> NCIP Regional Offices> NCIP Tribal/People Service Center. Ang employees sa maong service centers gikan sa tribo mismo nga giserbisyohan, aron nga malikayan ang language ug cultural gaps sa NCIP SC ug sa mga komunidad. Malikayan dinhi ang graft and corruption, kay nagkailhanay man ang taga-service center ug ang komunidad.
3. Establish IP/Lumad Peace Sanctuaries in Mindanao to sustain the move to end local communist terrorism, particularly in the countryside.
4. Conduct demographic study on IP populations in the entire country, i.e. Luzon, Visayas & Mindanao.
5. Establish/Implement creation of IP barangays based on provisions of RA 8371 and RA 7160.
6. Allocate adequate funds for CADT and ADSDPPs, para mapadali ang pag-isyu sa mga CADT ug plano.
7. Provide IPMR in Congress (1-Luzon, 1-Visayas ug 1-Mindanao) and Regional Bodies. Revise for this purpose DILG Memo. Cir. No. 2010-119, and/or other relevant regulation.
8. Amend RA 10591 and/or IRR para ang mga tribal leaders ug mga bagani adunay katungod nga maka-armas agi og depensa sa ilang kaugalingon, komunidad, sa tibuok nga kayutaan sakop sa CADT. Ang “ancestral lands” nga gipanag-iya sa tribo o “private property”, mao sab ni ilahang “place of residence”.
9. I-implementar ang pag-amuma sa kinaiyahan, ilabi na ang kalasangan nga gikinahanglan ang pagpatuman sa reforestation sa mga CADT, pinaagi sa pagpananum sa endemic species. Protektahan ang mga tubdanan sa tubig nga nagsupply sa dakung kasyudaran.
10. Tangtangon ang NCIP sa 2012 JAO with LRA, DAR, DENR, kay “private property” ang “ancestral lands” sukad pa sa karaang panahon, bisan sa wala pa ang Republika. Cariño v. Insular Govt. (1909).
03 Pebrero 2022. Mindanaw, Pilipinas.
http://www.katawhanglumad.blogspot.com
Tuesday, February 8, 2022
KTB INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FOR SENATORIAL CANDIDATES
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FOR SENATORIAL CANDIDATES
Introduction:
During the
past 35 years after the 1987 Constitution, charter change has been proposed
many times under 4 presidents (i.e. Ramos, Estrada, Arroyo, Duterte). However,
none of these proposals ever reached the plebiscite stage.
Recently,
the Bayanihan Draft Constitution was proposed by a Consultative Committee
created under the Duterte Administration. At about the same time, the People’s
Draft, a crowd-sourced constitution, was framed and proposed by concerned
citizens and people’s organizations, led by Tanggulang Demokrasya and Publicus
Asia.
The main topic
of the interview is constitutional reform, which many believe is of primary
importance. Nonetheless, the guest may raise other concerns, which he/she
believes is of equal importance.
1. Regarding economic policy,
both the Bayanihan Draft and the People’s Draft seek to promote foreign
investments for job creation, price reduction and tax generation. However,
their approach to achieve the same objective, differs from each other.
The Bayanihan Draft grants to Congress the power to lift the limitations on
foreign investments provided in the Constitution. In other words, liberalization
of foreign investments is not self-executory. It will need implementing laws
from Congress.
On the other hand, the People’s Draft immediately lifts the limitations
on foreign investments provided in the Constitution, except for land,
small-scale mining and micro-enterprises. In other words, liberalization of
foreign investments is immediately executory. Congress is then empowered to liberalize
further, or otherwise impose new limitations. A foreign investment council is
created to protect national security. Either the President or Congress may
impose reciprocity.
2. Regarding the form of government,
the Bayanihan Draft retains the Presidential form with a Bicameral legislature.
On the other hand, the People’s Draft shifts to the Parliamentary form with a
Unicameral legislature.
In the Bayanihan Draft, the President, the Senate, and the House, are
separate from, and independent of, each other. The Senators are increased from
24 to 36, elected from the regions, rather than at large nationwide. The Representatives
are increased from 304 to 400.
In the People’s Draft, the President and the Senate are merged into the
House. The 24 Senators become regional Representatives. The district/sectoral/people
Representatives are retained at 304. Congress, the merged body, is vested with
both legislative powers, and the power to hire-and-fire the President, along
with the Cabinet.
Question: What do you think about these proposals, and
alternative structures, regarding the form of government?
3. Regarding the form of government,
the Bayanihan Draft and the People’s Draft differ in the manner of election of
the President.
In the Bayanihan Draft, the present process is retained where the President
is elected directly by the people voting at large nationwide. The ballot
shows the individual candidates running for President.
In the People’s Draft, the President is elected indirectly by the
people voting by district, region and sector/people. The ballot shows not only
the names of the individual candidates for Congress, but also the names of their
respective nominees for President. This is like the election of pledged
electors in an electoral college (i.e. US Presidential form of government). The
nominee of the party or coalition that wins a majority of the seats in
Congress, is then formally elected by Congress as the President.
Question: What do you think about these alternative modes
of electing the President?
4. Regarding the form of government,
the Bayanihan Draft and the People’s Draft differs in the manner of removal of
the President.
In the Bayanihan Draft, the present process is retained where
the President may be removed only by impeachment for, and conviction of, high
crimes. 1/3 vote of the House is required for impeachment. 2/3 vote of the
Senate is required for conviction.
On the other hand, in the People’s Draft, the President may be removed for loss
of confidence. This process does not have to be based on high crimes. It can
based on simple crimes, or even non-crimes, like failure of performance
or questionable conduct. 2/3 vote of Congress is required for removal.
Question: What do you about these alternative modes of
removing the President?
5. Regarding the system of government,
the Bayanihan Draft retains the Unitary system of government. On the other
hand, while the People’s Draft also retains the Unitary system of government at
the beginning. However, it also provides for a process of transition to the
Federal system.
The Bayanihan Draft adopts the top-down approach. 18
autonomous regions are pre-determined, subject to approval by the voters in one
national plebiscite. Each autonomous region will have its own set of regional
legislators and regional executives. They will be separate and distinct from
the elective officials of the local government units.
On the other hand, the People’s Draft adopts the bottom-up approach. The
regions are given the option to choose either a regional authority, an autonomous
region, or a substate. A regional authority is a national government formed by the
integration of the regional offices of selected line departments. An autonomous
region is a large local government unit. A substate is a component of a federal
state. The formation of either an autonomous region or substate requires the
approval of the voters in a regional plebiscite. There will be no separate set
of elective officials for the autonomous region or substate. The Mayors and
District Representatives in the territory of the autonomous region or substate,
will be the ex-officio regional legislators and regional executives.
Question: What do you think about these proposals, and
alternative structures, regarding the system of government?
6. Regarding the local government,
the Bayanihan Draft impliedly retains the mayor-type LGU, while the
People’s Draft shifts to the council-type LGU.
In the mayor-type LGU, the mayor is elected separately, and functions
independently from the council. This is like the presidential form of
government but at the local level.
In the council-type LGU, the mayor is elected by the council from among
themselves. The council has the power to hire-and-fire the mayor. This is like
the parliamentary form of government but at the local level.
Furthermore, under the People’s Draft, the voters elect only the city and
municipal councilors; the city and municipal councils elect the mayor from
among themselves; the city and municipal mayors serve as ex-officio
members of the provincial council; the provincial councils elect the governor
from among themselves; the city and municipal mayors appoint the members of the
barangay council, from nominees of community associations; barangay councils
elect the punong barangay from among themselves.
Question: What do you think about these alternative structures
regarding the form of local government?
7. Regarding the local government,
the Bayanihan Draft impliedly retains the multi-member local district, while
the People’s Draft shifts to the single-member local district.
In a multi-member local district, the candidates for Local Councilor run
in the same large geographic area and constituency as the candidates for
District Representatives.
In a single-member local district, the candidates for Local Councilor run
in a much smaller geographic area and constituency. The congressional district
is divided into such number of local subdistricts as there are local councilor seats
allocated for the district.
Question: What do you think of these alternative modes
electing local councilors?
8. Regarding accountability, the
Bayanihan Draft protects the tenure of high public officials, namely the
members of constitutional commissions and the ombudsman, by requiring
impeachment for their removal. On the other hand, People’s Draft removes the
requirement of impeachment for these officials.
In the Bayanihan Draft, aside from the CSC, Comelec and COA, the CHR,
Ombudsman Commission and the Competition Commission, are also constituted as
independent constitutional commissions. Accordingly, all their members cannot
be removed, except by impeachment.
In the People’s Draft, the CSC, Comelec, COA and the Ombudsman, are
downgraded to ordinary statutory bodies. Accordingly, all their members may be
removed from office, or otherwise disciplined, suspended or terminated, just
like any other public official, without need for impeachment.
Question: What do you think about these alternative
approaches regarding the tenure of high officials?
9.
Regarding
the historical rights of the Muslim People, the Bayanihan Draft and the
People’s Draft differ in approach.
In the Bayanihan Draft, the usual prohibition against the legal recognition of
royalty has been deleted. However, the draft is silent about the legal
recognition of the Southern Sultanates.
In the People’s Draft, Congress is expressly mandated to provide for the legal
recognition of the Southern Sultanates. However, this is without prejudice to the
sovereignty of the people, the powers of the government, the establishment of
the State, the patrimony of the nation, and the integrity of the national
territory.
Question: What do you think about these proposals, and
alternative approaches, in relation to the historical rights of the Musim
People?
10. Regarding the traditional rights
of the Indigenous People, both the Bayanihan Draft and the People’s Draft
uphold these rights, particularly the right to their ancestral lands, found in
the present 1987 Constitution. They both impliedly adopt the principles
embodied in the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA).
Question: What do you think about these
laws, and their implementation, in relation to the traditional rights of the
Indigenous People?
KILUSAN NG MGA TAGAPAGTANGGOL NG BAYAN (KTB)
Metro Manila, Philippines. 08 February 2022
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